How to get India back on track
A playbook for how Indian policymakers can return the country to a path of high and sustained economic growth.
Modi’s engagement with the United States is driven fundamentally by considerations about India’s national interests, just as Obama’s outreach to Modi was driven by his judgement about India’s importance for American interests in Asia.
The upcoming summit could be the moment when India and the United States find the necessary political will to turn opportunities that have been at hand for years into tangible agreements.
For the foreseeable future, Washington must be reconciled to the fact that the success of the bilateral relationship will require asymmetrical American contributions to India.
Closing in on the first 100 days in office, Federica Mogherini embarked on her trip to the United States as the EU’s top diplomat. Her visit was an uneasy one due to one topic: Russia.
U.S.-India relations have not meandered because of a lack of ideas; they’ve ebbed and flowed thanks to over-hyped pledges followed by half-baked implementation.
If Japan is to contribute positively to maintaining Burmese progress in political reform, it must closely examine several core tenets of its engagement-based approach toward Burma.
The Davos Alpine retreat is both absurd and worthy-but it cannot achieve its goals as long as it is primarily a guy thing.
Barack Obama’s return to India as the first U.S. president invited to India’s Republic Day celebrations promises to rejuvenate the bilateral relationship.
The projected growth in the use of nuclear power worldwide creates new opportunities for deepening and expanding existing U.S.-South Korean collaboration to promote the civil uses of nuclear energy in third countries. This expansion can build on the cooperation that is already taking place.
The narrow technical disagreements stalling the renegotiation of the U.S.–South Korea nuclear cooperation agreement mask a far larger and more complicated set of issues and interests that challenge both the future of bilateral nuclear cooperation and the nonproliferation regime.
Chinese economic growth will continue to slow. Although many economic analyses are based on the success of economic reforms, near-term growth is more accurately forecast in terms of balance sheet constraints.
U.S. President Barack Obama’s return to India in January 2015 carries the hope that Washington and New Delhi may succeed in placing their cooperation on firmer foundations.
Governmental corruption often sparks outrage and creates support for dangerous ideologies.
Barack Obama’s participation in India’s Republic Day celebration is rich in symbolism. It is also a major opportunity to reboot the U.S.-India relationship and set ambitious new goals for the partnership.
As Modi and Obama expand the scope of the India-U.S. partnership, they have a rare opportunity to strengthen bilateral engagement on regional issues in the subcontinent, including the stability of Pakistan.
More than four months after the start of an international airstrikes campaign against the Islamic State, the organization continues to expand—going beyond the geographical areas of Syria and Iraq.
The Middle East is vital to China’s present and future energy interests, but the region’s thorny geopolitics make Chinese state-owned firms hesitant to make large investments there.
The outcome of Greece’s January 25 election will be pivotal for the country. The way Europe’s political elites respond will have a profound impact on the future of the EU, too.
Corruption is a cause—not a result—of global instability.
The outcome of Greece’s election and the country’s potential exit from the eurozone will have profound implications for Europe’s future prospects.
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