Feature 1: Election Crisis in Bangladesh
In this feature, we cover the ongoing political crisis in Bangladesh. Elections are scheduled for January 22, 2007, but given the decision of the opposition parties, including the Awami League, to not participate, the elections might not be considered legitimate by the people of Bangladesh and the international community. As protests and riots continue in the streets of Bangladesh, a political compromise between the two main parties before the elections looks unlikely. Continue to read more.
Feature 2: South Asia in 2006 and Prospects for 2007
We have picked out some pieces that analyze the events of 2006 in different South Asian countries and also some that look at prospects for the coming year. India will look forward to another year of rapid development and a more prominent role in international affairs; Pakistan will work towards success on the terror front and hopefully move towards a free and fair democratic election process; Sri Lanka will hope for a cessation of violence and positive developments in the peace process; Nepal will look to consolidate its democratic gains; and Bangladesh will cross its fingers hoping for a political compromise between Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia and the election of a legitimate government. On the economic front, all the countries will be looking to grow economically to alleviate the economic and social backwardness that still pervades the life of millions in the region. Continue to read more.
|In this Issue:
- Feature: Election Crisis in Bangladesh; South Asia in 2006 and Prospects for 2007
- Views from South Asia:
Foreign Policy and Domestic Politics: U.S.-India nuclear cooperation deal, India-Russia relations, India-Japan relations, Pakistan, Kashmir, Afghanistan, defense modernization plans, India’s blue water navy, Singur controversy;
Economics and Energy: State finances, stock markets, interest rate signaling system, fiscal deficits, Bhagwati on India’s economic reforms, oil pricing, Turkmenistan, WTO trade negotiations
• PAKISTAN: Foreign Policy and Domestic Politics: China, Afghanistan policy, Kashmir, U.S. Policy towards Pakistan
• NEPAL: Maoists and the Interim Government, the Interim Constitution, Maoists’ behavioral shift
• SRI LANKA: Possible LTTE ban, Prevention of Terrorism Act, restructuring the Foreign Ministry, Antonio Balasingham
- In-Depth Analysis: India’s Northeast, Pakistani Perspective on U.S.-India nuclear deal
- Additional Resources: U.S.-India civil nuclear cooperation deal, Indian PM Singh’s Visit to Japan, Interview with Montek Singh Ahluwalia
The year 2006 was eventful for South Asia (See our Feature). India ended its nuclear isolation following the signing of the Henry J. Hyde Act by President Bush, and emerged on the global scene with a highly optimistic outlook for the future. Nepal made a historic transition to a democracy and an end to the decade-long Maoist insurgency. Pakistan continued to face increasing tensions on its border with Afghanistan with the troubling resurgence of the Taliban, and the rising insurgency in Baluchistan.
Even as Bangladesh’s banker to the world’s poor, Muhammad Yunus, became the first Bangladeshi to win the Nobel Peace Prize, opposition leader Sheikh Hasina’s decision to boycott the Jan. 22 elections threw the country into political turmoil. Sri Lanka continued to be mired in violence as the peace process between the LTTE and the government did not make much progress. Not surprisingly, the region continued to invoke the interest of the major powers of the world, with leaders from the U.S. and China, among others, visiting the region.
We wish you a
Happy New Year and look forward to bringing you the best analyses of events in the region, as they unfold.
Editor, South Asian Perspectives
|Election Crisis in Bangladesh
Overview of the Situation
Rehman Sobhan provides an overview of the ongoing political crisis in Bangladesh and foresees a major conflict, with prospects of violent confrontations, that is likely to damage both the alliances and wonders if the two principal alliances could step out of the circle and seek the path of statesmanship (Daily Star, January 6, 2007). For an overall assessment of the situation provided by the Economist, click here.
Alternatives and Solutions
Multiple alternatives and solutions to the political stalemate have been put forth. An editorial in the New Age contends that an “all party committee” system could prove to be the most effective mechanism to judge the fairness of the elections because such a committee would be more aware of different methods of manipulation at the polls (New Age, December 28, 2006).
A separate editorial a week later regretted that “it was all too evident that constitutional obligation is just a term in the repertoire of political rhetoric of both the AL-and BNP-led alliances” and hoped that the bitter rivals would avoid confrontation and focus on negotiation to resolve the standoff (New Age, January 5, 2007).
A former Indian envoy to Bangladesh has suggested that only a presidential reference to the Supreme Court can help ensure fullest political participation and save the credibility of Bangladesh's general elections, pointing out that Article 106 of Bangladesh's Constitution provides for such a reference (Hindustan Times, January 6, 2007).
A Role for the Army?
Naimuddin Ahmed argues that deploying the army to tackle street demonstrations and protests by the people in exercise of their fundamental right of assembly and association guaranteed under articles 37 and 38 of the constitution is making the role of the army “controversial and partisan in the eyes of the people” (New Age, January 4, 2006).
Striking a similar chord, Ayesha Siddiqa believes that allowing the military to interfere in politics and play the role of a socio-political arbiter by bringing it in to control the streets is a risky approach, while Mumtaz Iqbal warns that failing a compromise between the two main political parties, the army may “decide to participate robustly, to the point of direct or indirect intervention, in national affairs to restore some equilibrium in political life” (New Age, January 7, 2007).
U.S. Role and Perspectives
Anirudh Suri argues Bangladesh is sliding down a slippery slope and it is up to the U.S. to halt this slide and prevent Bangladesh from becoming a hub of extremism and terrorism in South and Southeast Asia. To do this, it must actively push the caretaker government to ensure free and fair elections are held, while simultaneously preventing the opposition from unduly holding the election process hostage.
Read the speech of U.S. Ambassador to Bangladesh, Patricia Butenis, “Elections: The Road Ahead” delivered on December 17, 2006.
News articles describing the U.S. position on the situation: U.S. asks Bangla Govt to create conducive atmosphere for polls (Hindustan Times, January 5, 2007); U.S., British Envoys Meet With Bangladesh's Awami League President (Allheadlinesnews.com, January 6, 2007); U.S., Britain upset with pre-poll tremors in Bangladesh (IndianMuslims.info, January 6, 2007).
India is Bangladesh's most important neighbor. Therefore, we gather Indian perspectives on recent developments.
Examining recent developments, a seminar at the Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies in New Delhi concluded that Islamic fundamentalism has increased in Bangladesh and recommended that removal of all tariffs and duties on goods to facilitate trade with Bangladesh would reduce anti-India sentiments and facilitate greater political stability and the consolidation of democracy (IPCS, January 5, 2007).
Bibhu Prasad Routray examines in detail the rise of Islamic militancy in Bangladesh and claims that Islamist militancy has thrived in Bangladesh under a regime “which not only tolerated its growth but also sought to benefit from the reign of terror it unleashed” (South Asia Intelligence Review, December 18, 2006).
Indian MEA response (PDF)
Secularism Sacrificed by Awami League
Mumtaz Iqbal analyzes the five-point deal between the Awami League (AL) and the rightist Khelafat Majlish (KM) and argues that it goes against the core founding principles of the Awami League, such as secularism, raising questions about its electoral efficacy in the short term and the impact on the party in the long-term (New Age, December 28, 2006).
Anand Kumar argues that the Awami League's sudden decision to ally with extremists has shocked many of its central and grassroots members, besides drawing extensive criticism from other parties in the Grand Alliance who have emphasized conformity to the coalition's promise to ban religion based politics (SAAG Paper No. 2076, December 29, 2006).
Congressional Research Service Report: Bangladesh: Background and U.S. Relations (PDF)
International Crisis Group Report: Bangladesh Today
Background Note: Bangladesh
Bangladesh Policy Focus: U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom
U.S. State Department Country report on terror 2005: Bangladesh (PDF)
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|Feature 2: South Asia in 2006 and Prospects for 2007
|In this feature, we pick out some of the best pieces that analyze the events of 2006 in different South Asian countries and also some that look at prospects for the coming year.
Manoj Joshi believes that economic growth was at the core of the good times powering the country's self-confidence in 2006 and that India may have finally arrived at a critical mass of people with education and income levels “that can sustain the chain reaction of growth and prosperity” (Hindustan Times, December 28, 2006). Kanchan Lakshman provides an assessment of terrorist violence in the different regions of India in 2006 and concludes that despite occasional and inevitable terrorist “successes,” the persistent strategy of radicalizing Indian Muslims has failed with the exception of “a minuscule radical fringe” (SAIR, Volume 5, No. 25, January 1, 2007).
Priya Kansara interviews top financial experts and finds out that after a dream run in 2006, the year 2007 will continue to be good for the markets in general as India will continue to attract good foreign flows even though investors will have to tone down their returns expectations (Business Standard, January 1, 2007). Subir Gokarn argues that “both private investment and exports will lose some of their momentum, but rising incomes and affordability will ensure consumption-spend continues, leaving growth marginally lower” (Business Standard, December 30, 2006).
An editorial in Dawn termed the last 12 months as “one big disappointment” and wondered whether at the end of 2007 Pakistan would “take its place among democracies or continue to crave for a democratic dispensation” (Dawn, January 1, 2007). In a similar assessment, the Daily Times saw 2006 as a continuation of events since the 2002 elections: “crucial national security targets were not achieved to cement the economic base of the country; and the high level of national discord over major issues of survival did not come down” (Daily Times, January 1, 2007).
Nazrul Islam believes that Bangladesh has passed through “a tumultuous but eventful time” throughout 2006 with a number of unprecedented events (New Age, December 31, 2006). An assessment of the state of terrorism in Bangladesh by the South Asia Terrorism Portal shows that the Islamist parties in the ruling coalition government were found to be opposing the anti-militancy operations launched by the government, and that the road to elections to the Bangladesh National Assembly in January 2007 is likely be chaotic, considering the intensity of violence that has rocked the country in recent days (SAIR, Bangladesh Assessment 2006).
Indra Adhikari runs through the major events of the year for Nepal and concludes that 2006 will remain a landmark year in the modern history of Nepal as the 240 year-old institution of monarchy had “its powers and privileges clipped” through a historic democratic movement that also brought the decade-long Maoist insurgency to an end (Nepalnews.com, January 1, 2007)
An editorial in the Sunday Times expressed hope that 2007 would ameliorate the insurgency in the North, even as it criticized some of the government’s policies towards addressing the situation (Sunday Times Online, December 31, 2006).
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|Views from South Asia
Foreign Policy and Domestic Politics
U.S.-India Civilian Nuclear Cooperation: Generally, the signing of the Henry J. Hyde Act into law by President Bush was hailed as signaling the end of India’s nuclear isolation and facilitating a strong strategic partnership between the U.S. and India in the future (Indian Express, December 9, 2006, and Indian Express, December 10, 2006). However, some prominent Indian scientists continued to maintain that "India must not directly or indirectly concede our right to conduct future nuclear weapon tests, if these are found necessary to strengthen our minimum deterrence" (Hindu, December 16, 2006).
Others argued that while the final U.S. law on nuclear cooperation addresses very few of PM Singh’s concerns, the Nuclear Suppliers Group’s changed guidelines could offer India a less restrictive framework for nuclear cooperation (Hindu, December 9, 2006). Still others have brushed aside criticism of the Hyde Act by opponents and argued that the “the operative document in the immediate future would be the 123 Agreement, which, the U.S. administration assures India, would fully bear out U.S. commitments as per the July ‘05 declaration” (Economic Times, December 22, 2006). Exuding confidence that “that India will only be bound by what it signs and India will sign only that which it agrees to be bound by” (Indian Express, December 28, 2006), many in India are convinced that the deal is a welcome development, given that most issues causing alarm in the Indo-U.S. pact are contained in the non-binding and advisory portions (Indian Express, December 9, 2006).
Foreign Policy: As India enters the global arena as an emerging power, K. Shankar Bajpai cautions that India will have to learn to juggle multiple balls in the air and balance conflicting considerations (Outlook India, January 15, 2007).
Vinay Shukla laments that bilateral ties between India and Russia took a beating in the outgoing year and warns that new and disturbing trends emerged in relations could have long-term negative consequences for New Delhi (Rediff.com, December 28, 2006).
India-Japan Relations: C. Raja Mohan highlights the significance of Manmohan Singh’s trip to Japan and suggests that “in proclaiming a “global and strategic partnership” between the two nations, they will at once lay the basis for a new multipolar Asia and unveil a potentially powerful coalition of the world’s largest democracies” (Indian Express, December 14, 2006). B. Raman assesses the blossoming relationship between India and Japan and believes that democracy could serve as a strategic weapon for these two powers in Asia (SAAG Paper No. 2064, December 17, 2006).
Pakistan and Kashmir: There is hope in India that after the conclusion of the U.S.-India nuclear deal negotiations, there might be some positive developments on the Pakistan front. C. Raja Mohan argues that this is no ordinary moment between India and Pakistan because “for the first time since 1962-63, India and Pakistan are in the thick of a rare and purposeful negotiation on the Kashmir question” (Indian Express, December 6, 2006). Pratap Bhanu Mehta argues that there is seldom a shortage of just and reasonable formulae that protect the people’s core interests and the more important issue is the establishment of trust that allows workable formulae to be built (Indian Express, December 27, 2006). B.G. Varghese believes that “after years of sloganeering and myth-making on J&K, Musharraf may slowly be re-educating his own people to accept harsh facts and ground realities and argues that it is in India’s interest to help him succeed” (Indian Express, December 29, 2006).
Afghanistan: Vinod Anand assesses the implications of the current situation in Afghanistan for India and recommends that India should strengthen its relations with nationalist elements amongst Pashtuns and other dominant ethnic groups in order to pursue its interests in Afghanistan, rather than seeking political accommodation with the Taliban (IPCS, January 3, 2007). Vikram Sood warns strongly “there should also be no deal with the Taliban under the mistaken and naïve assumption that there are moderate Taliban,” and recommends that the UN, the U.S. and NATO must convince Musharraf that “his doctrine of enlightened moderation dictates that Islamabad should stop aiding the Taliban” (Hindustan Times, December 29, 2006).
Defense Issues: Jasjit Singh warns that the solution to the crisis of military modernization lies not in economic growth alone but increasingly in “a more scientific approach to defense management” (Indian Express, November 13, 2006). Amit Kumar describes how India’s new naval activism far from its own shores “reflects the nation’s growing economic interests in distant lands and the navy’s determination to defend them by transforming itself from a “brown water” coastal defense force to a formidable “blue water” fleet” (Indian Express, December 5, 2006).
The Singur Controversy: Marcus Dam posits that now that the 25-day-old hunger strike by Trinamool Congress leader Mamata Banerjee is over, “hopes have been rekindled for a dialogue between her and the West Bengal Government over the acquisition of land for the proposed car-manufacturing project at Singur in Hooghly district” (Hindu, December 30, 2006).
We present two different views on the controversy. An editorial in People's Democracy (the weekly organ of the Communist Party of India (Marxist)) points out that “the opposition to the setting up of a motor plant in Singur in West Bengal has, indeed, attracted very strange bedfellows" (People’s Democracy, December 10, 2006). In a letter written to the Left Parties, social activist Medha Patkar responds by arguing that in the name of development, the livelihood of rural populations are being destroyed, land and other life supporting resources are taken over. (Outlook India, December 8, 2006, free registration required).
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Economics and Energy
States: M. Govinda Rao analyzes the reasons why states rich in resources are lagging behind in India, and suggests corrective measures (Business Standard, January 2, 2007).
Macroeconomy: Sucheta Dalal urges the Finance Minister, P. Chidamabaram, to not ignore the root causes of the volatility in the stock market indices, contending that “a bunch of non-transparent foreign funds work with select Indian operators to profit from deliberately engineered market volatility” and that the recent violent price swings continue to point in this direction (Financial Express, December 18, 2006).
Mythili Bhusnurmath views the use of multiple signaling systems by the Reserve Bank of India as augmenting the uncertainty in the markets on the interest rate front and argues, instead, for “a move from today’s multiple signaling rates to a single signaling rate, like the U.S. Fed rate” (Economic Times, December 18, 2006).
An editorial in the Business Standard points out that a recent RBI report, State Finances: A Study of Budgets 2006-07(PDF), quantifies “the rather sharp reduction that has taken place in aggregate state public finance deficits in the revised estimates of 2005-06, a trend that has persisted in the budget estimates for the current year” – indicating that “the combined fiscal deficit, a persistent sore point in the eyes of global rating agencies and investment banks” might fall off the list of macroeconomic threats (Business Standard, January 1, 2007).
Economic Reforms: Jagdish Bhagwati, in his recent book, answered many of the critics of globalization who think that it harms social agendas and demonstrated that globalization has a human face, instead of lacking one. On the question of “Globalization and India,” Bhagwati addresses “the main fallacies that still mar the Indian policy scene” (Hindustan Times, December 20, 2006).
Trade: Sumant Banerjee points out that by turning the heat on India in the WTO negotiations, the U.S. is trying to see if it can get a better bargain. He suggests a tough stance and advises that India would do well not to fall into this trap (Indian Express, December 7, 2006).
Energy: Vikram S. Mehta argues that “in 2007, we need to learn our lessons and devise a more rational formula on oil pricing” (Indian Express, December 5, 2006).
Vinod Anand argues that President Saparmurat Niyazov's sudden death on December 21 has created conditions for political instability in Turkmenistan and is likely to “become a catalyst for players in Central Asia to secure their interests and India should also embark on securitizing its energy needs in the region with greater vigor” (IPCS, December 29, 2006).
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Foreign Policy and Domestic Politics
China: D.S. Rajan claims that while the 2005 Friendship Treaty is clearly “an important legal foundation for the Strategic Partnership” between Pakistan and China, “the difference in emphasis being given to the treaty by the leadership and officials in Pakistan and China deserves mention: while Pakistan seems to focus on the significance of the treaty in terms of protecting its security, the Chinese side appears to downplay the security aspect, laying stress only to the importance of the document to the overall bilateral relations” (SAAG Paper No. 2058, December 10, 2006).
Afghanistan: Ardeshir Cowasjee argues that “land mines are a dirty business” and President Musharraf and his men need to pause and think before they mine the Durand Line and commit yet another “crime against humanity”—an act that could possibly endanger the already estranged relationship between Pakistan and Afghanistan (Dawn, December 31, 2006). Rasul Bakhsh Rais also argues against any ambivalence in Pakistan’s position and urges Islamabad to listen to the world and its Afghan friends carefully and adopt a new line: “Afghanistan belongs to the Afghans; Pakistan will remain neutral in the current and future power struggles, and will not allow ethnic and religious groups from east of the Durand Line to give support in men and material to likeminded groups across the border" (Daily Times, December 25, 2006). Striking a similar chord, William Milam argues that since the military defeat of the Taliban is a central U.S. objective, Pakistan, as a key U.S. ally, should rethink some of the platitudes that seem to drive Pakistan’s Afghanistan policy (Daily Times, December 27, 2006).
Providing a different perspective, Pervaiz Iqbal Cheema points out the failure of Karzai to deliver what was expected of him as the ruler of Afghanistan, and suggests that the best way out for Afghan government is to seek greater cooperation from Pakistan by making “concerted efforts to assuage Pakistani concerns rather than further alienating the Pakistanis” (The Post, December 17, 2006).
Kashmir: Ijaz Hussain argues that President Musharraf’s recent statements on Kashmir and potential solutions seem to suggest that “he believes that now is the time for a deal on Kashmir favorable to Pakistan, as India is destined to become a global player before long” (Daily Times, December 20, 2006).
U.S. Policy Towards Pakistan: Musharraf or No Musharraf?
In the December 16, 2006, issue of the National Journal, Sydney J. Freedberg, Jr., lamented that “U.S. policy on Pakistan boils down to one word: Musharraf. In the world's only Islamic state armed with nuclear weapons, in the country where Osama bin Laden himself is most likely hiding, in a place that is a strategic crossroads where China, India, and Iran converge, there seems to be no Plan B.” However, Freedberg argued that “chaos, terrorism, and loose nukes are not necessarily the fate of Pakistan should its president, now weakened, pass from the scene.” According to him, “the good news is that less apocalyptic alternatives to a Pakistan after Pervez Musharraf do exist. The bad news is that they may require consideration sooner rather than later.” (“After Musharraf,”National Journal, Dec 16, 2006, Vol.38, Issue 50-52, pg. 38)
In response to the article, an editorial in the Daily Times argued that scholars such as Freedberg have paid scant regard to the feelings of the people of Pakistan who wish to return to full-fledged democracy with the army firmly back in the barracks. In fact, the editorial suggested, “America can help by ensuring that President Musharraf fulfils his pledge to be a transitional figure who leaves behind a sustainable democratic order that fears no army or mullah takeovers” (Daily Times, December 28, 2006).
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Narayan Dhital recounts the changes in government that occurred prior to the 12 Point Understanding, using a historical context to provide insight on what to expect as Nepal moves closer to a parliamentary democracy (Ekantipur.com).
Khem Raj Lakai argues that the Maoists must shift their focus and bring about a major behavioral change in order to really convince the Nepalese people and world community that the Maoists are really concerned about a new, sovereign, democratic and peaceful Nepal (eKantipur.com, December 7, 2006).
Keshab Poudel argues that the Maoist party and the seven party alliance have moved away from a common ground “towards a new political polarization,” and questions how long this fragile peace can last (Nepalnews.com, December 2006).
In an interview conducted by NepalNews.com, constitutional lawyer Bhimarjun Acharya analyzes Nepal’s interim constitution and provides insight into why certain parts of this document, in particular the suggested responsibilities of the Prime Minister and means of election, have been deemed controversial (Nepalnews.com, December 29, 2006).
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Jayadeva Uyangoda recalls the failure of past efforts to ban the LTTE and argues that such an effort will be equally counter-productive today as it will simultaneously strengthen the group and introduce the problem of being unable to negotiate with a recognized group. (Daily Mirror, December 9, 2006).
Sunil Jayasiri argues that the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA), designed to provide greater security in response to recent threats from the LTTE, has received wide support from political parties and government officials, (Daily Mirror, December 8, 2006).
Subash Wickramasinghe agrees that it is important to end the rule of terrorist groups but points out that the often suggested solution—political agreement—does not necessarily translate into a solution to a continuing problem as these organizations are not willing to relinquish items that are deemed valuable to them, to create a lasting compromise (Daily Mirror, December 8, 2006).
K. Godage lobbies for a restructured Foreign Ministry, arguing that a new governmental framework would allow the government to change the country’s image through “a major diplomatic offensive around the world.” (Daily Mirror, December 12, 2006).
Champica Liyanaarachchi discusses the contributions of the late LTTE’s Antonio Balasingham and how he was censored, and at times publicly corrected, by the LTTE during his last days (Daily Mirror, December 20, 2006).
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|Wasbir Hussain argues that “India's Northeast is one of South Asia's hottest trouble spots, not simply because the region has as many as 30 armed insurgent organizations operating and fighting the Indian state, but because trans-border linkages that these groups have, and strategic alliances among them, have acted as force multipliers and have made the conflict dynamics all the more intricate” (“Insurgency in India's Northeast Cross-border Links and Strategic Alliances,” Faultlines, Vol. 17, Feb 2006).
Malik Qasim Mustafa argues that “the Indo-U.S. civilian nuclear cooperation agreement is based on a wrong assumption that it will strengthen the international nuclear non-proliferation regime. It is actually going to open up a Pandora’s Box of nuclear proliferation which would have wide-ranging implications for the existing international nuclear non-proliferation regime in the years to come” (“Indo-U.S. Civilian Nuclear Cooperation Agreement: Implications for International Nuclear Non-Proliferation Regime,” Winter 2006 Journal, International Strategic Studies Institute, Pakistan).
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|U.S.-India Civil Nuclear Cooperation Deal
Joint Press briefing by Indian Foreign Secretary Shri Shivshankar Menon and U.S. Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs Nicholas Burns (December 7, 2006)
Suo-Moto Statement by the Minister of External Affairs, Shri Pranab Mukherjee on “Indo-U.S. Civil Nuclear Co-Operation” in Lok Sabha (December 12, 2006)
Statement by official spokesperson on the outcome of the Conference in the U.S. Congress reconciling the waiver bills on civilian nuclear energy cooperation between India and the U.S. (December 8, 2006)
Synopses of documents signed/issued during the visit of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to Japan (December 15, 2006)
Joint statement towards India-Japan Strategic and Global Partnership (December 15, 2006)
Indian Prime Minister’s speech to the Diet (December 14, 2006)
Special media briefing by Foreign Secretary Shri Shivshankar Menon and Secretary (East) Shri N. Ravi on the forthcoming visit of Prime Minster Manmohan Singh to Japan and Philippines (December 6, 2006)
Text of interview with Montek Singh Ahluwalia, deputy chairman, Planning Commission of India (Indian Express, December 4, 2006)
Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s speech at the Dalit- Minority International Conference, New Delhi (Outlook India, December 27, 2006)
Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s speech on the occasion of laying the foundation stone of modernization and capacity expansion of IISCO Steel Plant at Burnpur, West Bengal (Outlook India, December 24, 2006, free registration required)
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