Russia’s renewed activism isn’t about dictating events in particular corners of the world. It is about exploiting opportunities to undermine and hollow out the U.S.-led international order, with its norms of economic openness, democratic accountability and the rule of law.
Conventional wisdom holds that the present situation in Washington is unprecedented. But veteran Russia-watchers have seen this before. They remember Russia in the 1990s.
Consumed by domestic controversies and growing foreign policy crises in North Korea and the Middle East, the Trump administration has put little effort into developing a new policy approach towards Central Asia.
Russia’s relations with China have undergone a complete transformation in the past quarter century and have developed into a genuine strategic partnership, despite the Kremlin’s junior partner status.
While it’s hard to predict what will happen when Trump and Putin meet at the G-20, both leaders could potentially claim success without resolving the core issues that divide them.
Even if it won't rebuild an imperial state, Moscow has many tools at its disposal to influence the political, economic, social, and foreign policy trajectories of its neighbors.
Pursuing an ambitious mission against Iran, Assad, and the Russians in Syria is dangerous, imprudent, and unnecessary to protect vital U.S. security interests.
A conversation with five former and current ambassadors—three American and two Armenian—on U.S.-Armenian ties over the past twenty-five years.
The president’s general approach to foreign policy—two-thirds disrupter, one-third mainstreamer—is likely to continue. His domestic travails will not constrain what he chooses to do abroad.
The break between Russia and the West is not a passing phase, but a long-term condition that will shape the course of European security for the foreseeable future.