As Kuwait’s opposition struggles to obstruct austerity measures, it is capitalizing on popular resentment against expatriates to pressure the government into broader concessions.
Kuwait’s opposition could complicate the government’s plans to ensure financial sustainability and maintain political stability.
Sada launches its first eBook, a collection of essays that explores the region’s deep political changes since the Arab uprisings.
Recent attacks on Shia mosques suggest the Islamic State strategy in the Gulf is to provoke and exploit sectarian strife.
Kuwait’s one man, one vote law, though the cause of previous unrest, has fractured the opposition and empowered independents.
Kuwait’s internal discord is likely to intensify if the court does not overturn the emir’s recent electoral decree.
The responses of Gulf Cooperation Council countries to the 2011 uprisings only reinforce a culture of state dependency.
The opposition’s decision to boycott the elections might further limit their chances of playing a strong role in holding the government accountable.
Can the new parliament and cabinet break the Kuwait’s perpetual stalemate?
Is Kuwait’s Islamic Constitutional Movement staging a comeback in Kuwaiti politics?
Tunisia’s 217-member Constituent Assembly must now write a constitution. What are the next stages of institutional reform?
In the wake of the region’s political tremors, Gulf monarchies are claiming reform of their security sectors. But are the changes enough—and are they genuine?
Although not the crown prince, Kuwait's Prime Minister Sheikh Nasser al-Mohammed al-Sabah is still "untouchable" to parliament, and his reappointment only perpetuates the government's continuing stalemate with itself.
Gulf parliaments have come to provide some semblance of democratic representation, but all are struggling against dominant regimes and must organize politically and carve out a distinctive role to better represent the people.
Kuwaiti Parliamentarian Rola Dashti discusses the inner workings of the National Assembly, the role of women deputies, and the fragile truce between parliament and cabinet.
The surprising results of recent parliamentary elections open up the prospect of better legislative-executive relations.
When does contestation between the legislative and executive branches become too much of a good thing?
Kuwait remains a classic rentier state, living on natural resources alone and unwilling or unable to diversify, reform, democratize, or otherwise change for the better. If anything, the emirate should be wallowing deeper in autocracy as state dependence on oil rises. Yet the politics of the country belie this.
In what will be remembered as the year of the woman in Kuwait, Prime Minister Sabah Ahmad Al Sabah on June 12 appointed Massouma Almubarak as Minister of Planning and Administrative Development. Just one month earlier, the feisty Kuwaiti parliament gave women the vote after having resisted the Emir's initiative since 1999. These steps have changed politics in Kuwait permanently.
A survey of women's political status in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states shows that in some countries women have recently made considerable progress toward formal equality of political rights, but in others they have not. The governing elite in the GCC countries generally supports women's political rights, but strong social sentiment against women's participation in politics persists.