Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
- Follow Carnegie
-
Search
-
Global Resources
Global Centers
Languages
2015 begins with new proposals to resolve the conflict, but 2014 has shown that even dramatic geo-political and military changes can leave the conflict dynamic unaltered and the stalemate unbroken.
Governments around the world are using stealthy strategies to manipulate the media.
To revive the Sunni authority’s long tradition of Islamic moderation, Dar al-Fatwa’s new leader must unite all of Lebanon’s Sunni community.
As the Arab Spring approaches its fourth anniversary, the Arab world generally is at risk of heading towards a future without politics.
The roots of the recent surge of Sunni extremism in Lebanon are local and deep. Pragmatic steps are needed to protect the country from the fate of Syria and Iraq.
One hundred years on, the facts of the Armenian genocide of 1915 are not in dispute. But the word genocide itself has become an obstruction to rapprochement between Armenians and Turks.
Dabiq—the propaganda magazine of the Islamic State —has a well-established reputation, and is particularly targeting Western and Arab youth who are keen to fight under the caliphate’s banner.
With its 2014 leadership election, the Islamist group signaled that it is opening a new chapter. But some young members wanted to see even greater change.
The Assad regime has repeatedly shown its confidence over the improvement of its strategic situation, but its refusal to engage politically with its own constituencies threatens it.
Today, Lebanon hosts more Syrian refugees than any other country in the world, nearly 38 percent of the total Syrian refugee population.
Even though tensions over Ukraine will inevitably cast a shadow over the bilateral relationship, Russia and Turkey—a NATO member—continue to share a range of important interests.
Qatar’s new leadership is reverting to a more pragmatic foreign policy and addressing the fallout from its support for Islamist movements in the region.
After the EU floundered in its initial response to the Arab Spring, it now has to reconsider some of the fundamental tenets of its strategic approach to the Middle East.
Qatar wants to increase its influence and break free from Saudi Arabia’s orbit. But its miscalculations and domestic and international challenges make that difficult.
Hizbullah uses its image, language, and its charismatic leader, Hassan Nasrallah, to legitimize its political aims and ideology and appeal to different target groups.
A schism in the ranks of Kuwaiti Salafists has had far-reaching—and sometimes violent—consequences in Syria and Lebanon.
Syria’s civil war is helping destabilize the city of Tripoli and threatening other parts of Lebanon. But today’s challenges have plagued Lebanon since long before the Syrian uprising.
The Syrian crisis is entering its fourth year without a clear resolution in sight. The West should look beyond the Geneva II conference and implement a comprehensive strategy to push the conflict toward a settlement.
Only through the painstaking process of constructing an Arab world defined by pluralism and tolerance can the dream of freedom and opportunity for the region be realized.
Although religious differences and regional influences play a role, the rise of sectarianism in the Gulf is ultimately rooted in longstanding problems of governance and elite manipulation of Sunni-Shia identities.
Power in the twenty-first century is a less concrete asset than it once was.
While the tribal, sectarian, and ethnic mosaic of the region is one aspect of why democracy has not taken hold in the Arab world, more important is the lack of experience in governing institutions.
Kobani is a town of incredible significance for the Syrian and Turkish Kurds, but looking at its strategic significance to U.S. strategy, it appears secondary.
There is consensus amongst the Arab news media, regardless of their country of origin or ideological leaning, that the Islamic State is a terrorist organization.
While the Islamic State can be defeated militarily, the United States and regional countries will need to prevent the creation of more groups like it in the future.
Countries in the Middle East have to rise up to the plate and help put in place a political process that tries to address the underlying causes that have led to the emergence of radical groups like the Islamic State.
It remains to be seen what role Arab countries will play in combined international efforts to defeat the Islamic State.
As the Islamic State continues to grow rapidly, questions are being raised about its origins.
While countries like Jordan will not participate militarily in the U.S. strategy against ISIS, it will provide much needed logistical and intelligence support and connections with the Sunni tribes of Iraq.
Israel and Hamas have found themselves sucked into a conflict that neither side really wanted and that outside powers seem reluctant or unable to stop.
The recent Senate report about the CIA’s use of torture against suspected terrorists renews important questions about the most effective and ethical means to counter the threat of global jihadism.
Violent attacks and counter attacks in Jerusalem have escalated as access to the Haram al-Sharif/Temple Mount has changed, raising the profile of the religious aspect of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict alongside its nationalist and territorial dimensions.
How has U.S. policy failed to anticipate current developments of jihadist movements from Afghanistan to Syria?
From humble beginnings in the 1980s, Hizbullah’s political clout and public perception have trended upward, thanks to a communications strategy that has adapted to changes in the local and regional environment.
Russia and Turkey share many important interests, providing them with opportunities for valuable collaboration and cooperation in their common neighborhood, which stretches from the South Caucasus and the Levant to Central Asia and Afghanistan.
Following the U.S. announcement of a strategy against the Islamic State, the Carnegie Middle East Center held a talk to analyze the direction of American foreign policy and the creation of an international coalition to tackle the Syrian-Iraqi crisis.
Today’s Middle East is grappling with failed states, civil wars, brazen autocracies, and terror groups such as ISIS. Is this the region’s new normal, and is there a viable U.S. strategy to reverse these trends?
As most of Iraq threatens to collapse under the weight of sectarian violence, Kurdistan in northern Iraq stands in sharp contrast. Will Kurdistan seize this opportunity to declare its independence?
The recent capture of Iraq’s second-largest city of Mosul by the jihadi extremist group ISIS has plunged the country into chaos.
Arab integration offers a real opportunity for critical political, economic, social, and cultural developments, but significant challenges stand in the way of comprehensive integration.
Power in the twenty-first century is a less concrete asset than it once was.
2015 begins with new proposals to resolve the conflict, but 2014 has shown that even dramatic geo-political and military changes can leave the conflict dynamic unaltered and the stalemate unbroken.
Governments around the world are using stealthy strategies to manipulate the media.
To revive the Sunni authority’s long tradition of Islamic moderation, Dar al-Fatwa’s new leader must unite all of Lebanon’s Sunni community.
As the Arab Spring approaches its fourth anniversary, the Arab world generally is at risk of heading towards a future without politics.
The roots of the recent surge of Sunni extremism in Lebanon are local and deep. Pragmatic steps are needed to protect the country from the fate of Syria and Iraq.
One hundred years on, the facts of the Armenian genocide of 1915 are not in dispute. But the word genocide itself has become an obstruction to rapprochement between Armenians and Turks.
The recent Senate report about the CIA’s use of torture against suspected terrorists renews important questions about the most effective and ethical means to counter the threat of global jihadism.
While the tribal, sectarian, and ethnic mosaic of the region is one aspect of why democracy has not taken hold in the Arab world, more important is the lack of experience in governing institutions.
Dabiq—the propaganda magazine of the Islamic State —has a well-established reputation, and is particularly targeting Western and Arab youth who are keen to fight under the caliphate’s banner.
Abou Zeid is a research analyst at the Carnegie Middle East Center, where his work focuses on political developments in Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, and Iran.
Al-Muslimi is a visiting scholar at the Carnegie Middle East Center, where his research focuses on Yemeni and Gulf politics.
Joseph Bahout is a visiting scholar in Carnegie’s Middle East Program. His research focuses on political developments in Lebanon and Syria, regional spillover from the Syrian crisis, and identity politics across the region.
Boukhars is a nonresident scholar in Carnegie’s Middle East Program. He is an assistant professor of international relations at McDaniel College in Westminster, Maryland.
Brown, a professor of political science and international affairs at George Washington University, is a distinguished scholar and author of six well-received books on Arab politics.
Carothers is a leading authority on international support for democracy, rights, and governance and on comparative democratization as well as an expert on U.S. foreign policy.
Chayes, formerly special adviser to the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, is an expert in South Asia policy, kleptocracy and anticorruption, and civil-military relations.
Dorronsoro’s research focuses on security and political development in Afghanistan. He was a professor of political science at the Sorbonne in Paris and the Institute of Political Studies of Rennes.
Dunne is an expert on political and economic change in Arab countries, particularly Egypt, as well as U.S. policy in the Middle East.
Fahmi is an El-Erian fellow at the Carnegie Middle East Center, where his research focuses on religious actors in democratic transition, the interplay between state and religion, and religious minorities and citizenship.
Hassan is a visiting scholar at the Carnegie Middle East Center, where his research focuses on Kurdish and Iraqi politics, civil society and democratization, donor assistance, and transition processes, especially in the Middle East.
Holden is a nonresident senior associate in the Carnegie Asia Program. He also advises corporations and other organizations on their operations in China and assists Chinese companies overseas.
Jarábik is a visiting scholar focusing on Ukraine and Eastern Europe.
Khaddour is a visiting scholar at the Carnegie Middle East Center in Beirut. His research focuses on issues of identity and society in Syria.
Khatib is director of the Carnegie Middle East Center in Beirut. Previously, she was the co-founding head of the Program on Arab Reform and Democracy at Stanford University’s Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law.
Lehne is a visiting scholar at Carnegie Europe in Brussels, where his research focuses on the post–Lisbon Treaty development of the European Union’s foreign policy, with a specific focus on relations between the EU and member states.
Malashenko is the chair of the Carnegie Moscow Center’s Religion, Society, and Security Program. He also taught at the Higher School of Economics from 2007 to 2008 and was a professor at the Moscow State Institute of International Relations from 2000 to 2006.
Mansour is a nonresident scholar at the Carnegie Middle East Center, where his research focuses on Iraq, Iran, and Kurdish affairs.
Matta is a visiting scholar at the Carnegie Middle East Center, where her research focuses on technical assistance projects in the Middle East and North Africa.
Muasher is vice president for studies at Carnegie, where he oversees research in Washington and Beirut on the Middle East.
Nathaniel Myers is a visiting scholar in Carnegie’s Democracy and Rule of Law program. His research focuses on the intersection of American foreign assistance and foreign policy.
Sayigh is a senior associate at the Carnegie Middle East Center in Beirut, where his work focuses on the Syrian crisis, the political role of Arab armies, security sector transformation in Arab transitions, the reinvention of authoritarianism, and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and peace process.
Tankel is a nonresident scholar at the Carnegie Endowment, where his research focuses on insurgency, terrorism, and the evolution of nonstate armed groups.
Topychkanov is an associate in the Carnegie Moscow Center’s Nonproliferation Program.
Wehrey’s research focuses on political reform and security issues in the Arab Gulf states, Libya, and U.S. policy in the Middle East more broadly.
Yahya is a senior associate at the Carnegie Middle East Center, where her research focuses on citizenship, pluralism, and social justice in the aftermath of the Arab uprisings.
Youngs is an expert on the foreign policy of the European Union, in particular on questions of democracy support.
Enter your email address to receive the latest Carnegie analysis in your inbox!
Stay connected to the Global Think Tank with Carnegie's smartphone app for Android and iOS devices
You are leaving the website for the Carnegie-Tsinghua Center for Global Policy and entering a website for another of Carnegie's global centers.
你将离开清华—卡内基中心网站，进入卡内基其他全球中心的网站。