Buddhism has become part of a broader soft power rivalry between China and India for greater influence in Asia.
Iraq’s Yezidis are trapped amidst the rivalries all around them.
Tibet is at the very heart of the Sino-Indian disputation over territorial sovereignty and much else over the last six decades.
The denial of democratic opportunities, the rise of successful violent movements, and the shifting regional and Islamist contexts make it likely that the coming period of Islamist politics will be dominated by non–Muslim Brotherhood organizations.
While Iran’s foreign policy writ large exists mostly beyond the confines of confessionalism, this much is clear: as Iran’s neighborhood has become more sectarian, so has its behavior.
In the wake of the Arab Spring, newer media and older forms (such as the daily newspaper) have gradually made it easier for Middle East countries to participate in public debates from a variety of ideological perspectives.
Hizb al-Nour is not an Islamist party, at least in its current form; for Salafis, politics is just a means to an end—a way to protect and reinforce their religious movement.
Arguments for “purification” through “nationalization” are redundant in the case of Indian Muslims. They have always looked to local sites and the land of their saints as their holy land.
“Madkhali” Salafists in Libya are active in the battle against the Islamic State, and in factional conflicts.
Parliament has moved on church-building in Egypt, but it is unlikely to be enough.