Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Research and analysis on China’s foreign policy and role in the world.
The UN Security Council report published last week documents North Korea's efforts in setting up a large-scale uranium enrichment plant after sanctions were first imposed five years ago.
With major economic interests at stake, the European Union must become a player in Southeast Asian security.
The driving force behind the U.S. deficits and China’s surpluses lies not in exchange rates but in structural factors that built up over time.
Nearly ten years after the question of Iran’s nuclear ambitions became an international issue, little progress has been made in settling it.
What we are observing on the world scene is not so much the decline of the West as the rise—and a very uneven one—of some of the rest.
In case of unobstructed civil war in Syria, the division between Russian and U.S. policies toward Syria will most probably deepen, and the choices of these two countries will have serious international implications, including stronger Russia-China cooperation to counter U.S. foreign policies.
Southeast Asia should guard against a potentially dangerous spillover from the Eurozone crisis by trimming sovereign debt and reigning in spending.
A flexible relationship, rather than an alliance, may better suit Russia and China despite their many shared interests.
Putin’s visit to China is important for both China and Russia, but if the two countries wish to strengthen their bilateral relations, Moscow and Beijing need to work to enhance trust and build a long-term strategy of mutual cooperation.
China must be able to collect accurate data and maintain a stable carbon price if its new pilot program for emissions-trading can be deemed a success.
Southeast Asia is often viewed as a dynamic region, home to several of Asia’s tiger economies. But look a bit closer, and the region is replete with internal tensions—some between countries, but most within countries. April’s events in the region are illustrative of so many of these tensions. In every case, they reflect deep fault lines that have existed for many years.
U.S.-China distrust may not be rooted in misunderstanding, but rather in fundamental disagreements over political institutions, value systems, and geostrategic interests.
Chinese National Oil Companies, while owned by the government, increasingly base investment decisions on market signals rather than state orders. Their efforts to access oil and gas resources are helping to meet the challenge of high petroleum consumption levels.
China's diplomatic reforms have not been as prominent as in other sectors over the last three decades of reform and opening-up.
A slimmed down NATO could do a better job of harmonizing transatlantic positions in crisis situations, be the hub of multinational, high-end military operations, and develop expertise and capabilities to deal with new threats such as cyber attacks.
While developing its Asian strategy, Russia will certainly give a lot of attention to cooperation with China, but it will not ignore its interests and opportunities in other countries in the region.
While NATO can extend the status quo in the short term, it cannot postpone resolving its defense and deterrence dilemmas without undermining Alliance confidence and cohesion.
Beijing faces a real challenge in determining how to put both the economic and political China-Latin America relationship on more sustainable, longer-term footing.
Any comparative exercise that contrasts the Chinese model of state–economy relations with that of the United States is inherently political and prone to various angles of critique
With anxieties over the nuclear activities of North Korea and Iran looming large, heads of state from 53 countries convened in Seoul this week to reaffirm and intensify their commitment to prevent nuclear materials from getting into the hands of terrorists.