

Part mosque, part university, part center of religious research and knowledge, al-Azhar is perhaps the central—and certainly the most prestigious—element in the state–religion complex in Egypt.

While it is clear that Egypt’s national press cannot operate as it has in the past, now that it has lost its economic and political base, its future remains uncertain.

Polarization in Tunisia may prove less divisive when writing a new constitution than many domestic and foreign observers fear.

Any contact between Washington and the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood is likely to be limited, and officials on both sides should have modest expectations for what the dialogue might accomplish.

The trial of deposed President Hosni Mubarak by Egypt’s regular judiciary underscores the challenges facing the courts. Amid the spectacle of the proceedings, there are several laudable aspects.

Although many of the ingredients are in place for an upsurge of political activism in Palestine and a confrontation with Israel, internal obstacles and divisions could undermine any attempt at popular mobilization.

The deepening divide in Egyptian political life can actually help forge a sound national constitution, if it forces Islamists and non-Islamists to sit down at the table and hash out a deal.

Although the international community had high expectations for what Palestinian Authority Prime Minister Salam Fayyad could accomplish, Fayyad’s prime accomplishment was staving off the collapse of those Palestinian institutions that already existed.

The strength of Egyptian institutions and continuing post-revolutionary enthusiasm will help Egypt overcome the growing political chasm between Islamist and non-Islamist political forces inside the country and the political mistakes made by the country’s ruling council.

For Egyptians, the insistence on trying Mubarak in Egyptian courts serves several functions: it helps to maintain the revolution’s unity and can serve to goad the military leadership toward action on popular demands.