

The recent changes made to Russia’s regional leadership shows that neither Medvedev’s presidency nor the financial crisis has changed the Kremlin’s approach in appointing ‘strongman’ regional leaders. But it also shows that the range of opportunities open to the Kremlin to reform the regions has narrowed significantly.

A key factor in Sunday’s national Russian elections was that parties lacking State Duma representation were denied registration. This is part of the current Kremlin strategy to purge the political field. But the grim economic situation makes this effort, and the election of deputies doing little more than passing along instructions from the top, morally obsolete.

Medevdev’s recent visits to the Far East reflect Russia’s geopolitical interests: to strengthen its presence in the Arctic and Asian-Pacific Rim. The visit also focused attention on the region’s economic and depopulation woes. While Medvedev’s response to the problems contrasts sharply with Putin’s optimistic statements, it remains to be seen whether Medvedev can provide a better cure.

This year’s Valdai Discussion Club— a Kremlin sponsored annual discussion among a wide range of global experts on Russia- focused on Chechnya, South Ossetia, and Abkhazia. However, the Kremlin’s increasing use of this conference as a propaganda tool has raised questions about whether Western specialists should attend future meetings.

Putin may have succeeded Boris Yeltsin, but he decided to adopt the leadership style of Yury Andropov. This style is reflected in Russia’s current dealings with Georgia, which represent a major foreign policy shift for the country. However, these actions will prove to be harmful for Russia and will reignite its own current ethnic separatist movements.

Russian President Dmitry Medvedev inherited a broken government bureaucracy unable to recruit skilled workers when he took office. Medvedev's proposed solution to create a national database of qualified candidates does not address the fact that there is no place for a truly transparent and merit-based recruiting process in Putin's political system.

It would seem that we have a double mutiny on the great ship of state. Rakhimov showed no mercy in squashing the revolt aimed at his presidency. It remains to be seen whether Medvedev will be able to put down Rakhimov's defiance of the Kremlin.

For a second week now, people are discussing Tatarstan President Mintimer Shaimiyev's call to reinstate direct elections for governors and to strip the Russian president of the power to disband regional parliaments if they reject the gubernatorial candidate he submits for their approval. Shaimiyev's ideas come across as more proactive than reactive, and as a forecaster of future shifts in the political landscape, the occupant of Kazan's Kremlin appears to be more talented than the experts in the other Kremlin.

President Dmitry Medvedev's first month on the job has provided a good opportunity to analyze the developing relationship between the new leader and the regions. Most important, we have seen a continuation of Moscow's policy toward the regions that was initiated last autumn with the appointment of Dmitry Kozak as the regional development minister. And contrary to many predictions, no major shakedowns have taken place, and it doesn't appear that there will be any in the near future -- not in the gubernatorial ranks or the replacement of heavyweights, such as Mayor Yury Luzhkov.
When Vladimir Putin became acting president in January 2000, he appointed his trusted colleagues as presidential envoys, including many from the Federal Security Service. After his inauguration in May of that year, Putin announced federal reforms that included the appointments of presidential envoys consisting largely of military officials. Now there have been a few, insignificant changes among the president's "eyes and ears" in the federal districts. The presidential envoys, who hold equal status with the deputy prime ministers, are a continuation of Putin's policy of "divide and conquer" -- this time applied to the regions.