

If past protests called for a reformation of the Islamic Republic established in 1979, some of the current slogans are calling for its overthrow. While few expect the protests to succeed, the legitimacy of the Islamic revolution is being challenged for the first time.

New Delhi needs to turn its attention in 2018 to creating significant domestic capabilities for information operations against threats at home and abroad.

Understanding the internal debate in the United States about its approach to the world is as important for India as parsing the administration’s latest thinking on China and Pakistan.

As the weakest of the major powers, New Delhi should stay engaged with both continental as well as maritime powers in order to improve its own place in the world order.

Without a return to genuine bilateralism that takes into account the interests of both parties, Beijing will find that the chasm with New Delhi continues to deepen.

If cultural, digital, and physical connectivity have become important themes in Indian diplomacy these days, so has the idea of minilateralism with multiple partners.

The Indian political and policy establishment, long brought up on the notion that Europe and Asia are different, must adapt to their slow but certain integration into a single geopolitical theatre.

While the Indian media’s obsession with China tends to be over the top, there is no denying that Beijing looms large over New Delhi’s worldview these days.

The ideas of religious moderation and social modernization have been steadily pushed on the defensive in the four decades since 1979. Any effort to reverse 1979, therefore, must be welcomed in the Subcontinent.

Looking beyond the traditional areas of high-technology and defence cooperation, and the more recent focus on global mitigation of climate change, New Delhi and Paris appear ready to lend a strong regional dimension to their strategic partnership.