

It has been a rather long learning curve for New Delhi to separate presumed transcendental religious solidarity and the logic of national self-interest in engaging the Middle East.

The problem is not the lack of big ideas within Indian political class. There are a host of other reasons that limit public engagement on foreign policy. Few parties believe foreign policy is of any importance in winning elections.

Before India’s political scene got so intensely polarized, there was a time when the Opposition celebrated the government’s national security achievements. It also offered close scrutiny of government policies on science and technology.

Prospects for a sensible neighborhood policy can’t rest solely on having single-party governments at the center and ‘responsible’ chief ministers in the border states. India needs a measure of political consensus on regional policies.

The national security establishment must extend full support to the Election Commission in fending off many likely threats to the integrity of the elections and help raise the awareness of the political class on the new dangers of the digital age.

The election is a good opportunity for the BJP and the Congress to debate the changing international situation, potential Indian responses, and the much needed reform in India’s defense and national security system.

Today the House of Saud is becoming a valuable partner for New Delhi in promoting regional security in the subcontinent and beyond.

We may not know how the present and future crises might end, but there is no question that Balakot has changed the familiar script of India-Pakistan military crises.

For the emerging forces of political moderation and social modernization in the Middle East, India is a more attractive partner than Pakistan.

The first summit between Trump and Kim enhanced Singapore’s reputation as Asia’s emerging diplomatic centre. For Hanoi, the second summit is a big opportunity to showcase Vietnam’s dramatic economic transformation in recent years.