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Modi and Obama must work out a new framework for geo-political burden-sharing between India and the United States.
Delhi no longer has the luxury of viewing South Asia as India’s “backyard.”
Delhi finds it hard to elicit China’s support on key international priorities of its own, including India’s integration into the global nuclear order.
The fact that it has taken more than a decade for India to begin work on the Chabahar port project reveals the deep-rooted internal constraints on India’s regional economic strategy.
America’s leaders have drawn attention to a deep paradox of Japan’s nuclear story.
An interfaith symposium in Ujjain highlights one of the unique features of the NDA government’s international relations—putting religion at the heart of India’s cultural diplomacy.
Although aimed at American audiences, the Indian strategic community could well benefit from the rare discussion on geoeconomics offered by Blackwill and Harris.
India must begin to take Trump seriously and assess the sources and consequences of America’s changing worldview.
The idea that India must unilaterally cede a veto to China over its partnership with America reveals an enduring strategic diffidence in Delhi. It also shows little awareness of either China’s geopolitical tradition or of modern India’s diplomatic practice.
The deeply fractured Organisation of Islamic Cooperation is more concerned with the situation in the Middle East than the status of Jammu and Kashmir.