Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
The U.S. and Chinese governments, for the foreseeable future, will have the resources to keep each other’s society vulnerable to nuclear mass destruction.
Paul Haenle, former White House China Director under Presidents George W. Bush and Barack Obama, discusses the upcoming China’s once-in-five-years Communist Party Congress, and the bilateral relations between the world's two-biggest economies.
That is why one way or another, even if it is possible to move some non-productive investment into more productive sectors, the investment share of China’s GDP must decline sharply in the next few years. Historical precedents suggest that the sooner this happens, the better for the long-term health and stability of the economy.
China’s large structural trade surpluses are the consequence of internal economic imbalances, which means that any external pressure that results in a contraction of its trade surplus must be accommodated by shifts in these internal imbalances.
Join Carnegie for a conversation about how local players have fared in three Middle Eastern and Southeast Asian countries—Algeria, Egypt, and Indonesia—in pushing Chinese technology firms to meet their developmental needs.
There are, however, only two ways to increase consumption. One involves expansion in household debt, which Chinese financial authorities are trying to discourage.
As China emerges this month from the all-important 20th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), its leadership will have to confront the most difficult set of economic choices it has faced in decades.
If war is Beijing’s plan, there would be reliable indications that it is coming.
The problem is that the viewpoints of the three parties are that they're diverging not converging.
All eyes will be on the China-Russia strategic partnership, but the Shanghai Cooperation Organization’s Central Asian members have greater confidence and bargaining power than ever before—and Beijing knows it.