China’s diplomacy has entered a game of hide and seek with the European Union in preparation for another virtual summit on September 13-14 between Xi Jinping and EU leaders.
It is having the side effect of appearing to dismantle the policy of ‘engagement’ with China of the previous seven US administrations and the way they treated Taiwan.
Attention to Taiwan at this level is not a hallmark of the Trump administration. Trump first alarmed China when, as president-elect in November 2016, he accepted a congratulatory phone call from Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen. But buyer’s remorse set in on both the Trump and Tsai camps shortly after.
The remainder of 2020 is shaping up to be an unexpectedly consequential year for U.S.-Japan defense cooperation, and it comes at a time of political uncertainty in both capitals.
How do you make sure that the military is prepared to tackle threats during a pandemic? The U.S.–South Korean alliance has been wrestling with the problem.
The American public is far more focused on his mismanagement of the pandemic and its effects at home than on Beijing’s responsibility for it.
To sustainably plug its funding shortfall and bridge its income gap, Indonesia must tap more into global value chains and capitalize on its greatest asset: its people.
Experts discuss how the United States, particularly in Asia, was standard setter through which other economies had to adjust and accommodate.
The packaging and selling of China’s foreign policy and diplomacy has become a hard task, even for China-based experts who try not to depart too much from the Party-state’s scripts.
It is a mistake to assume that there is a global capital and technology frontier toward which every country must strive to acquire development. Economic development requires, above all, the right set of formal and informal institutions.