Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
After decades of failed negotiations, many argue that little that can be achieved in pursuing Israeli-Palestinian peacemaking right now. Yet parking the conflict or returning to the pre-Trump status quo ante could have serious implications not only for Israelis and Palestinians but also for the region and the United States. How can the U.S. administration do more by doing less and help reverse negative trends that are cementing occupation and inequality, while avoiding previous failed policies that have empowered anti-democratic forces in both Israel and Palestine?
A regional approach to the conflict between Israel and Palestine would ensure that all parties involved have the ability to make painful compromises and still achieve a viable agreement.
In considering Israel’s response to Iran’s nuclear ambitions, Prime Minister Netanyahu must set aside personal animus and consider the nature of Iranian politics and the character of the regime in Tehran.
While the conditions necessary for a Palestinian-Israeli settlement do not exist today and further negotiations between the two parties are unlikely to change the situation, a regional settlement is both possible and desirable for both sides.
While Prime Minister Netanyahu was received warmly on his recent visit to Washington, progress on the peace process remains in doubt. If direct negotiations are to resume, the split among Palestinians will hamper—and arguably prevent—the ability of President Abbas to negotiate on behalf of the divided people.
Without reconciliation between Palestinian factions and the political reunification of the West Bank and Gaza, not only a better future for Gaza but the two-state solution itself will remain out of reach.
Even if Fayyad is making mild administrative and fiscal improvements in some areas, this cannot obscure the deeper problem that most Palestinian political institutions are actually in deep trouble and the most important ones are in a state of advanced decay.
The international community’s understandable admiration for Palestinian Prime Minister Salam Fayyad and his efforts to rebuild the West Bank obscures a dangerous regression in democracy and human rights.
The private sector has become the main driver of growth in the Middle East and North Africa, but more consistent and equitable regulations are needed to transform the region into a diversified, high-performance economy.
Israel should use the opportunity created by the flotilla crisis to alter its political discourse, open up Gaza for all to see, and, most importantly, make real efforts to work with the Palestinian Authority on the peace process.
It is possible that Israel’s raid on the humanitarian flotilla could have negative consequences for its global standing.