Any interpretation that pits Washington and Seoul against each other fails to understand the fundamental spirit of cooperation that reaffirms and undergirds the U.S.-ROK nuclear relationship.
China has a far greater global presence today than when it negotiated its first nuclear agreement with the U.S. three decades ago. The new agreement must reflect these realities in order to best serve U.S. security interests.
Brazil faces the paradox of criticizing the unfairness of the nuclear order while attempting to carve out a role for itself in it.
The new civil nuclear cooperation agreement between the United States and South Korea will provide a legal basis to allow the interdependent nuclear industry partnership between the two countries to continue and expand.
Economic interests, combined with national security considerations, give Turkey an incentive not to seek nuclear weapons.
The French are worried that the P5+1 negotiations have transformed into a U.S.-Iran rapprochement and that traditional American allies, both in Middle East and Europe, are being sacrificed to this goal.
Judging the new bilateral nuclear cooperation agreement between Korea and the United States solely on single issues obscures the very broad benefits it delivers to both Korea and the United States.
Turkey is a rising economic and political force with the ability to affect dynamics in the greater Middle East, the Caucasus, and Central Asia. To meet its rising energy needs, the country—already an important actor in the international nuclear order—plans to establish nuclear power plants on its territory.
The 2015 Carnegie International Nuclear Policy Conference brought together over 800 experts and officials from more than 45 countries and international organizations to discuss emerging trends in nuclear nonproliferation, disarmament, deterrence, and nuclear energy.
A nuclear deal with Iran would not change much, neither to the West’s overall relationship with the country nor to Tehran’s regional role.