The 1978 Nuclear Nonproliferation Act (NNPA) sought to tighten the criteria for nuclear cooperation and reshape the nuclear fuel cycle. Many of its provisions have been forgotten, but the NNPA regained notoriety this year with the approval of the U.S.-Indian nuclear cooperation agreement. The objectives of the NNPA are timeless and in no danger of being achieved soon.
The current financial crisis and resulting credit squeeze raises many questions about how to finance big capital projects. Carnegie hosted a discussion investigating how the financial crisis will affect nuclear reactor construction in the United States.
Despite talk of a renaissance, nuclear power will account for a declining percentage of global electricity generation without aggressive financial support and significant policy changes. Before committing to a rapid expansion of nuclear energy, the next U.S. administration must address critical questions about the feasibility and safety of that expansion, and act to minimize proliferation risks.
Without significant political and financial support, nuclear energy is expected to decline in its share of electricity generation by 2030. The drivers for that support seem to be nuclear energy's contributions to energy security and climate change. Yet nuclear energy won't reduce American dependence on foreign oil, which has been a key concern of many Americans.
In this paper presented to GDF Suez University's "Nuclear Prospective Seminar" in Paris, Pierre Goldschmidt highlights the high volume of recent nuclear agreements forming between nuclear-weapon states and non-nuclear-weapon states.
In this event hosted by the Carnegie Endowment's Nonproliferation Program, Mycle Schneider, author of the 2007 World Nuclear Industry Status Report, questions whether the world civilian nuclear industry is capable of achieving a "nuclear renaissance," given its declining share of electricity market, recent construction problems, and education crisis.
On September 6, 2008, the Nuclear Suppliers Group decided to break a 16-year ban and allow nuclear trade with India. Now President Bush must prove to Congress that the proposed trade deal meets the requirements of the Hyde Act.
The Nuclear Suppliers Group can help bring India into the nonproliferation mainstream by imposing conditions on civilian nuclear trade with India or else risk significant damage to itself and the nonproliferation regime.
Decision time has arrived on the controversial nuclear cooperation proposal that was first proposed by President George W. Bush and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in July 2005. Because the NSG and IAEA traditionally operate by consensus, any one of a number of states can act to block or modify the ill-conceived arrangement. They have good reason and a responsibility to do so.
Behind the scenes at the G-8 summit, U.S. and Indian officials appear to be moving forward on an agreement that would lift the U.S. ban on nuclear trade with India and allow it to assist India’s civilian nuclear program. Ashley Tellis discusses the details of the deal on NPR’s Morning Edition and notes that it is unlikely to make India a closer U.S. ally.