The Russian Duma’s likely ratification of New START Agreement this month will open a new debate over the strategic arms threats and emergent arms control opportunities that might be usefully added to the President's current arms control agenda.
Since the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council are nuclear weapon states, they struggle in their attempts to convince other nations, like Iran and North Korea, not to develop a nuclear weapon program.
When NATO leaders convene in November, they will undertake a reexamination of the alliance’s policy on nuclear weapons, a review that, spurred by recent nonproliferation initiatives, could split NATO’s members if not handled carefully.
Sasha Polakow-Suransky and Avner Cohen discuss the history of Israeli-South African nuclear cooperation and the future of Israel's nuclear posture.
The U.S. Nuclear Posture Review defines China as a partner for international cooperation, but also expresses concerns about the modernization of China's nuclear arsenal, the lack of transparency, and its future intentions.
Neither Australia nor Japan speaks for the International Commission on Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament, but as co-chairs of the Commission their goals complement the Obama administration's Nuclear Posture Review in more ways than one.
The Obama administration’s new Nuclear Posture Review reduces the role and number of U.S. nuclear weapons, identifies nuclear terrorism as the principal threat to the United States, and works to maintain a stable strategic relationship with China.
Militarily, the antiquated tactical U.S. nuclear weapons in Europe serve little to no purpose to NATO. But they remain a valuable bargaining chip and a strong symbol of U.S. security assurance to its European allies and partners.
The U.S. Nuclear Posture Review offers a number of hints on how Washington might influence the future of NATO's nuclear policy.
Nuclear disarmament must become a shared responsibility by identifying the role that non-nuclear-weapon state allies of the United States can play. Specifically, these states should engage with the United States on doctrine and with the NPT Review Conference on deterrence.