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With some CPGS technologies reaching maturity and an acquisition decision approaching, the time is right for a national debate about the benefits and risks of CPGS.
While the media has focused on recent allegations of a secret uranium deal between Zimbabwe and Iran, the real story of Iran’s efforts to obtain secondary uranium sources is a much more complicated one.
The instability in South Asia can be best understood in triangular terms, with China at the apex and India and Pakistan at the end points of the base.
Were U.S.-Iran diplomacy to significantly improve after Rouhani’s election, the revelation that Iran was preparing a new underground nuclear site would be poison.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s speech to the United Nations General Assembly last September demonstrated the extent to which public awareness of the foreign policy debate has changed thanks to social media.
Nuclear power should not go forward in newcomer countries until they are prepared to master a number of technological, political, economic, and logistical challenges.
Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Hosseini Khamenei, is the most important player in decisions on Iran’s nuclear program. So in the aftermath of Hassan Rouhani’s election, the global community had better pay close attention to what Khamenei says.
How a state’s leaders go about organizing and managing their nuclear assets will likely make all the difference between getting the bomb and failing miserably.
About a year before the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty was opened for signature in 1968, U.S. President Lyndon Baines Johnson made a pitch to the non-nuclear weapon states on the subject of IAEA safeguards that would be applied under the treaty.
Greater scrutiny should be given to how states such as Brazil, Egypt, Syria, and Thailand cooperate with the IAEA or support the nonproliferation regime more generally.