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The big disputes between libertarian-conservatives and progressives revolve around whether justice can be reduced to individual liberty and property rights, and whether individual liberty and property rights should be privileged over correcting injustices.
Although New Delhi has long recognized the importance of the Indian Ocean, it has only recently begun to display the underpinnings of a true maritime geostrategy.
The IAEA has some outreach to do in a lot of states that are having difficulty meeting their safeguards obligations because they don’t understand them, don’t prioritize them, or don’t have enough resources.
For relatively small coastal states such as Pakistan and Israel, the quest for maritime depth has given birth to naval nuclear force structures with the potential to undermine stability during a crisis.
The case for a limited Israeli or U.S. military intervention to take out Tehran’s nuclear capability seems to be losing credibility by the day.
Iran could process its entire inventory of 20%-enriched U3O8 to produce UF6 in a matter of a few weeks, the fruit of Iran's cumulative nuclear chemistry R&D and industrial-scale experience over three decades.
Any shift away from no-first use is likely to be viewed by the United States and its allies—rightly or wrongly—as provocative.
A recent Chinese white paper on defense omits a promise that China will never use nuclear weapons first, an explicit pledge had been the cornerstone of Beijing’s stated nuclear policy for the last half-century.
During the coming week, the United States and South Korea will again attack the sticking point that since 2011 has bedeviled the negotiation of a new bilateral nuclear cooperation agreement.
If the non-proliferation regime is going to prove sustainable for many decades in the future, it will need to rely on political good will between the countries that don’t have nuclear weapons and the countries that do have them.