Voter turnout in India is not necessarily pro- or anti-incumbent; rather, the relationship between these two variables is likely shaped by the specific context at hand.
The South Asian stalemate is likely to endure even as South and North Korea appear poised to turn the page.
In the spring of 2019, hundreds of millions of Indians will cast their ballots in the country’s seventeenth general election.
In agreeing to an “informal summit” in the city of Wuhan on the banks of the Yangtze, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping have chosen to take charge of the Sino-Indian relationship.
The India–France partnership could form the model for burden-sharing between India and its Western friends.
Despite popular narratives to the contrary, Muslims are losing ground in India in socioeconomic terms.
After decades of ignoring it, New Delhi now believes that a rejuvenated Commonwealth could lend greater depth to India’s global outreach.
An India that is less inhibited about trade liberalization and more open to commercial, technological, and civil society partnerships will find Nordic countries ready to accelerate its internal modernization and international rise.
Although the intricacies of the upcoming race—such as the selection of candidates and the rhetoric of campaigns—remain unknown one year out, underlying structural conditions suggest far rockier terrain may lie ahead.
India might be quite open to a substantive dialogue with China on the Belt and Road Initiative if Xi is prepared to address New Delhi’s concerns on sovereignty and sustainability.