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The rapid resurgence of China and the slower emergence of India are compelling a reframing of their shared spaces into the composite notion of the Indo-Pacific.
The party’s aversion to Nehru draws from its notion of India and Indian citizenship.
Modi and Obama must work out a new framework for geo-political burden-sharing between India and the United States.
Delhi no longer has the luxury of viewing South Asia as India’s “backyard.”
Scholars from Carnegie India and Carnegie’s South Asia Program participated in an online Q&A to discuss U.S.-India relations.
Modi’s engagements abroad are anchored in the astute recognition that India’s domestic success is inextricably linked to how it can shape its external environment to national advantage.
It has become more important than ever before to bring both India and Pakistan into agreement with international arms control norms.
Delhi finds it hard to elicit China’s support on key international priorities of its own, including India’s integration into the global nuclear order.
The fact that it has taken more than a decade for India to begin work on the Chabahar port project reveals the deep-rooted internal constraints on India’s regional economic strategy.
Despite the vibrancy of its democracy, India has struggled mightily to regulate political finance in ways that would both contain the costs of elections and curb impropriety in their funding.