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To avoid regulatory paralysis, India needs to reimagine the regulator’s role.
By 2030, South Asia is bound to be a far more connected place within itself as well as the rest of the world, thanks to a number of new factors reshaping the region’s economic and political geography.
Pakistan’s dependence on Saudi Arabia stands in the way of the two working against Islamic terrorism.
Open standards and free markets should dictate the choices available to content creators, not centralised exchanges that then become the playground for vested interests to creep into their daily administration and deprive creators of licensing autonomy.
Hostilities between Pakistan and Afghanistan have risen due to several factors over the last twelve months.
New Delhi might find that frankness is a lot more useful with Beijing than nursing grievances in private and feigning convergence in public.
Given the substantial tensions concerning the unresolved Sino-Indian border issue, China’s perception of India as a nuclear weapons power is important not only for the future evolution of the international nuclear regime but also for the ongoing Sino-Indian security situation.
India’s nuclear deterrence policy should work in parallel along twin tracks: continuing to enhance the quality of India’s nuclear deterrence while simultaneously working to achieve total nuclear disarmament in the shortest possible time frame.
Though there continue to be significant disagreements within the Indian strategic community about many elements of nuclear doctrine, the debate no longer produces new ideas about how to deal with the most pressing dilemma that New Delhi faces: countering Pakistan’s tactical nuclear weapons.
Unless India’s conventional and nuclear commands closely coordinate their operations planning, an Indian nuclear response threatens either to be unsuccessful or to escalate out of control.