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Delhi no longer has the luxury of viewing South Asia as India’s “backyard.”
Modi’s engagements abroad are anchored in the astute recognition that India’s domestic success is inextricably linked to how it can shape its external environment to national advantage.
It has become more important than ever before to bring both India and Pakistan into agreement with international arms control norms.
Delhi finds it hard to elicit China’s support on key international priorities of its own, including India’s integration into the global nuclear order.
The fact that it has taken more than a decade for India to begin work on the Chabahar port project reveals the deep-rooted internal constraints on India’s regional economic strategy.
Drone warfare in the Federally Administered Tribal Region of Pakistan has many problems. Blowback is not one of them. In fact, data show the opposite: Most respondents support drone strikes.
Despite the vibrancy of its democracy, India has struggled mightily to regulate political finance in ways that would both contain the costs of elections and curb impropriety in their funding.
Two BJ-ruled states, Haryana and Rajasthan, have altered the electoral law governing local bodies in a manner that was unprecedented in India but which has not received a lot of attention.
An interfaith symposium in Ujjain highlights one of the unique features of the NDA government’s international relations—putting religion at the heart of India’s cultural diplomacy.
Narendra Modi’s rhetoric shifted from religion to development and subnationalism. But his regional identity was still defined in religious terms.