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The Indian Prime Minister spent considerable time and energy trying to convince the Australian private sector to invest in India, as he has done in every country he has visited so far.
The existence of a French civil-military cooperation in Afghanistan and the forms it took were the direct and indirect consequences of political decisions that placed French forces under U.S. command and consequently increased the pressure on the former to operate like their U.S. counterparts.
As the American occupation of Afghanistan comes to an end, China is getting ready to play a significant role in a country that has seen many great powers bite the dust.
The United Nations General Assembly recently declared an annual International Day of Yoga. This small step underlines the immense possibilities for projecting India’s soft power under Modi.
Partition has given Pakistan the power to disrupt Afghanistan, but not enough to construct a stable order. This tragic story of the Great Game is unlikely to change in 2015.
As U.S. and coalition forces in Afghanistan withdraw to their post-2014 minimums, many fear a similar sharp drop in foreign funding. The reconstruction effort is far from over, and a radical reduction in foreign aid could cripple the Afghan economy.
Are differences within India’s middle class, in income, education, and cultural and social capital, so wide as to render moot any ideological or behavioral coherence to this group?
In his outreach to leaders in the subcontinent and Asia, from Nepal to Japan and China to Myanmar, Modi has projected Buddhism as one of India’s bridges to these nations.
This book analyzes the structure and impact of U.S. relations with Pacific countries on regional stability, both bilaterally and multilaterally.
The United States has consistently rejected both isolationism and multilateralism as instruments for meeting its highest strategic ambitions, instead utilizing a dialectical relationship between confederationism and unilateralism to achieve hegemony.