Moreover, Americans need to take care that their military response options remain viable. The United States should not allow itself to be outpaced in the acquisition of advanced technologies. If they do, then they will find themselves in a destabilized situation, in which the U.S. force structure — nuclear and conventional — is vulnerable while others’ are not.
As SSA practices coalesce, accommodating a handful of multinational systems and commercial providers in an international forum to deconflict divergent catalogues and analyses may be an effective and plausible way forward, so long as this approach does not foreclose on truly global SSA cooperation.
In many other countries — both developed and developing — these types of maneuvers are also used to stifle dissent and perpetuate ruling elites’ hold on power. In this respect, the recent rise of pro-government NGOs in Nigeria may be a cautionary tale.
The AUKUS move is likely to drive Europeans even more deeply into passivity when it comes to Indo-Pacific security matter.
The treatment experienced by France demonstrates that even Indo-Pacific activism, of which France has displayed considerable amounts, is of no interest to a US president supposedly well disposed towards the transatlantic alliance. If anything, the AUKUS move is likely to drive Europeans even more deeply into passivity when it comes to Indo-Pacific security matter.
The region might be better served from a recommitment by the US and Europe, which might offer palpable inducements of development aid linked to reforms. But with Western governments focused on their own domestic spending plans and Covid-19 recovery, it is more likely that continuing Chinese funds and outreach will further entrench Beijing’s influence in the region for the foreseeable future.
Last week, Narendra Modi told the world that democracy was born in India, but nobody seized this opportunity to ask whether it is also flourishing in its birthplace. The question needs to be asked because all the institutions measuring the level of democracy across the world have noticed that India has entered a phase of de-democratisation.
The swift collapse of the American-backed government in Afghanistan following the withdrawal of its forces revives the long-running debate on American decline. Some observers go so far as to claim that the United States is no longer a superpower. However the reality is different.
. As the size of the diaspora increases, so will the number of young, Canadian-born Indians who are eligible to vote — increasing popular support for the NDP. At the same time, the sharp increase in recent Indian immigration will boost the numbers of naturalized citizens, who are more likely to support the Liberal party.
The creativity, talent, ideas, and hopes of African youth can no longer be a sideshow or afterthought.
As India takes its Indo-Pacific engagements forward, Delhi must continue to build on its maritime moment, leveraging opportunities and partnerships in addressing its concerns and challenges.
Perhaps in 2021, Mr Gaetz is the only congressman proclaiming this white supremacist theory. But it could be only a matter of time before more people not only uphold this notion, but start publicly supporting even more outlandish theories and arguing for their legitimacy. If we want our public discourses to bear a semblance of truth, we have to take this trend seriously.
Without diplomacy to dissuade further testing, we shouldn’t be surprised to see North Korea test more advanced weapons in the coming months. The missile-testing campaign of the 8th Party Congress is in full swing.
Dramatic international developments that affect us all are becoming more frequent. Some touch us directly and others reverberate around us. But the daily news leaves us with the feeling that we are in a time of great change.
These are bleak, unpalatable scenarios, but sadly, there are few reasons to expect better. The wishful hope that the criminals in charge of the Venezuelan regime can somehow be persuaded to accede to their own ruin is just that—a hope—and certainly not a proper basis for diplomatic action.
Digital technologies are changing the character of conflict, with civilians and peacekeepers increasingly at risk of their misuse and abuse.
Diplomacy on the Korean Peninsula is stalled again. One option worth exploring is a trilateral cessation of missile testing and military exercises on the Korean Peninsula, essentially a “freeze for freeze” redux.
India’s diplomatic advance in the US could be pivotal with long-lasting effects in both South Asia as well as the future of the Indo-Pacific.
The challenge for President Biden is to close the widening gap between his words and deeds. If he can’t, American credibility will fall into the gap he himself helped to create.
The pace and proliferation of influence operations outstrips the research and policy community’s ability to study, understand, and find good solutions to the problems presented by the new age of digital propaganda. It’s time to fix this.