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The crisis atmosphere of the coronavirus response raises the risks of corruption as aid flows to graft-prone healthcare systems. But it’s not too late to put safeguards in place.
It is possible that the virus might stimulate greater levels of Sino-U.S. cooperation in some respects, in particular regarding preparations for future pandemics and other transnational security threats
The description of the battle against the coronavirus disease (Covid-19) as a “war” has graduated from an analogy to a metaphor.
If the fight against coronavirus is a war—and there are also good arguments why such an analogy is misleading—what war is it?
It’s becoming increasingly difficult to distinguish a nuclear weapon from a conventional one. The risk of misidentifying either—especially prior to its launch—is an underappreciated and growing danger. At a time of geopolitical uncertainty, this confusion could spark a nuclear war.
China’s drastic measures helped contain the coronavirus outbreak, which continues to spread rapidly across the United States. Beijing has seized the moment to expand its global leadership and advertise its governance model.
Sanders’s exit allows Democrats to immediately begin to organize and communicate around making the election a referendum on President Donald Trump.
Resolving security issues on the Korean peninsula will require diminishing the role of deterrence in inter-Korean affairs. Cooperative security is a useful concept to guide this shift.
The Justice Department’s dropped charges against two indicted Russian companies shows a new challenge to the U.S. strategy of combating foreign hacking through law enforcement actions.
Despite ongoing public dissatisfaction with the government, Algerians, along with much of the global population, remain confined to their homes.
The novel coronavirus has turned Donald Trump’s overreliance on sanctions into an immediate threat to the health and well-being of the American people.
The Trump administration holds a decidedly critical view of China’s infrastructure initiatives in Pakistan. Although there is much to criticize in the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, the administration’s fixation on commercial and economic issues threatens to distract U.S. policymakers from deeper concerns.
In the face of the global health crisis, the kingdom is bringing back traditional policy approaches that the crown prince had brushed aside in his “new Saudi Arabia.”
Kaplan shows in his new book that the Americans and Russians who built the doomsday machine will not allow it to be dismantled. The more pertinent question is whether they could be motivated to meaningfully downsize and constrain it.
Seen from Paris, Australia’s strategic importance is still predominantly a function of its role in the Pacific Ocean. Its military presence in the Indian Ocean has for a long time been limited to the north-east, with a primary focus on the stability of Southeast Asia and access denial to Australia.
The election must be held. And people who want to vote must be able to do so without fear of infection and without worsening the pandemic.
The proposal to list military businesses on the Egyptian Stock Exchange may founder due to issues of transparency, profitability, unfair competition, and legal ambiguity.
Cyber incidents involving financial institutions can pose a significant risk to overall financial stability. Policymakers must understand the structures and relationships connecting the cyber and financial networks to identify vulnerabilities, prevent failures, and mitigate and recover from potential crisis scenarios.
The far-reaching political and economic impacts of pandemics warrant security coordination on par with that of military threats.
The spread of the novel coronavirus will have a devastating effect on the Middle East’s communities of refugees and migrants.