It is clear that the role of the Chinese media has changed dramatically from the days when it functioned strictly as an ideological Party mouthpiece and government cheerleader. At the same time, its evolutionary trajectory remains unclear.
As the birthplace of the Internet, the United States has grown accustomed to its role as the world's leading information aggregator and disseminator. Many have extolled America's ability to wield not only hard military power but soft power, the less easily quantifiable ability to influence, persuade and shape opinion through culture, diplomacy, and diffuse information flows.
If you thought the debate over missile defenses was over, think again. Congressional debate this week shows there is still no consensus in Washington on this troubled program. We provide excerpts from the House Armed Services Committee hearing.
In almost all realms of international politics, the United States faces a new, more complex set of political, economic, and security, challenges after September 11th. U.S.-Russian relations offer one bright counter to this otherwise gloomier international picture.
like virtually all state institutions inherited by the newly cast Russian Federation, the scientific establishment's capacity to provide for basic training and research suffered mightily from the economic collapse of the 1990s. Many to fear the possible death of Russian science.
At the outset of independence 10 years ago, it appeared that democracy was beginning to take hold in Kazakhstan. A decade later, economic reform is mired in widespread corruption and a regime that flirted with democracy is now laying the foundation for family-based, authoritarian rule.
Trenin takes a look at the historical patterns of Russian territorial state formation, seeks to define the challenges and opportunities that Russia faces along its geopolitical fronts, and discusses various options for "fitting" Russia into the wider world.
The Administrations is using high-flying rhetoric to describe its nuclear posture, but some Senators say the policy is running on empty. Undersecretary of Defense Doug Feith claimed that with the president's announced reductions in the nuclear warheads in the operational strategic force, "we are closing the books on the Cold War balance of terror." Senate Armed Services Committee Chairman Carl Levin said it was more like warehousing the terror and compared it to the Enron's Corp.'s efforts to "make its debts disappear by moving them from one set of books to another."
President Bush commended visiting Pakistani President Mussharaf this week, as "a leader with great competence and vision." He assured Pakistan that the U.S. is "committed to the continuance of our friendship. A friendship based on principles, common goals and vision." In a country where people are still bitter about being "abandoned" by the U.S. in the past, Washington's broadly stated commitment to a long-term relationship with Islamabad was the top story in Pakistan.
On Friday, February 8, 2002, Secretary of Energy Spencer Abraham spoke to the Los Angeles World Affairs Council regarding the Department of Energy's future policy direction concerning non-proliferation. Secretary Abraham emphasized the importance of securing and eliminating Russian nuclear weapons and materials. The follwoing is an except from Secretary Abraham's speech.
Powell, the famously moderate multilateralist, may be the only one who can turn back this assault and protect the president's flank. In fact, the secretary of state may prove indispensable to the success of the Bush Doctrine. He will have some credibility when he makes the case for "regime change" in Iraq.