
The pattern of international engagement in Afghanistan has long been a piecemeal one. The international community moves from relief to reconstruction with a logic that is apparent to those who administer developmental assistance professionally, but its slow pace is often interpreted as indifference by communities that are the target of its efforts.
The Trade Act of 2002 integrates environmental policy priorities into U.S. trade negotiations. Resulting tensions between trade and environment requires greater involvement by Congress. Of particular short-term importance to Congress should be how bilateral negotiations with Chile and Singapore are concluded and regional negotiations with Central America begun.
When diplomatic historians look back on the 1990s, they should describe it as the era of European integration. They will do so, however, only if the project is completed. As the Bush administration begins the process of promoting democratic regime change along a new frontier in the Muslim world, it must also finish the job on the European frontier.
The lack of a Russian consensus on its interests in Iraq does not imply ready Russian support for U.S. military action. On the contrary, Russian experts stress both that the United States will have to go it alone and that U.S. forces should not expect a repeat of the easy time that they had in toppling the Taliban from power in Afghanistan. As Alexei Arbatov commented in an interview in May, "Using aerial bombardment alone in Iraq will not do the trick; the United States will need a ground operation. In Afghanistan, the ground operation was carried forward by the Northern Alliance, under the leadership of Russia and the USA. But in Iraq, no one will want to do this dirty work for the Americans."
Given the emphasis on democracy promotion as part of the war on terrorism, why does the U.S. ignore the view of the vast majority of Arabs? The U.S. would do well to listen to the voices of its Arab allies and pursue peace and economic development in the Middle East, instead of waging war on Iraq.
We must continue to focus on the control and reduction of nuclear weapons. This issue is not the highest agenda item in U.S.-Russian relations any more, however, we need continued high-level interactions that result in policy tools to effect control and reductions, in the first instance legally-binding treaties and agreements like the Moscow Treaty.
As governments and donor agencies struggle over questions of aid and international development, a growing consensus is emerging that there is an explicit link between rule of law reform and sustainable growth.
The Bush administration, the U.S. security establishment and America as a whole, were profoundly affected by the Cold War. It was inevitable, then, that the U.S. approach to the war against terrorism would be shaped by its legacy. Unfortunately, the hawks in the administration have chosen to rely on a few disputed lessons from the Cold War while turning their backs on its more valuable examples.

The report provides a middle ground between the two existing approaches to Iraq: continue to do nothing, or pursue an overthrow of Saddam Hussein.
The rapprochement between Bhutto and Sharif could alter the course of Pakistani politics. During the last decade, Pakistan’s democratic evolution was hindered by the rivalry between these two leaders. Now, Sharif has expressed solidarity with Bhutto by withdrawing his nominations after hers were rejected. The battle between supporters of democracy and the military establishment has just begun.

Internationally renowned experts provide retrospective analyses of how Russia has fared in its post-1991 reform efforts and a prospective look at the challenges ahead.