Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Historians may have paid too much attention to hierarchies and too little to the loose social networks that often end up disrupting them.
John Bolton wants regime change in North Korea and Iran, and he’ll do whatever it takes to get it.
The political ballgame in Europe will change profoundly after Brexit. A clear realignment is already apparent as the dynamics between smaller member states, in particular, begins to shift.
The Brexit negotiations have progressed thus far by kicking key issues down the road, but the road is fast running out.
While there is much uncertainty about its final form, it is clear that the quest for universal basic income involves navigating the tricky waters of weak state capacity and the urgency of improving India’s existing welfare architecture.
It was recently announced that the United States has just beaten its all-time high in crude oil production—but these claims don’t quite stand up to scrutiny.
The upcoming Egyptian presidential election is neither free nor democratic. The United States must not treat this election as a legitimate expression of the Egyptian people’s will.
The Andaman and Nicobar Islands provide significant surveillance and monitoring advantages to India’s navy. If India can chart out a role for the islands in its maritime domain awareness project, it can achieve far greater deterrence through staging and power projection.
Europe has lost its moral compass. Its current enthusiasm for interests will one day come back to haunt it.
If one had to choose the most exceptional year in the history of the IAEA safeguards regime, it would be 2003. That year saw four events which, after 15 years, point to important lessons for the nonproliferation community, particular for the governments seeking to prevent the spread of weapons of mass destruction.
The United States cannot ignore nor extricate itself from Syria without durably harming its regional interests and the post-WWII liberal order it helped create. Only through discipline, commitment, and leadership can Washington help bring peace to Syria.
Any reset of the China-India relationship would necessarily include an effort to widen the areas of cooperation that will provide some balance against the many negative factors that are unsettling bilateral relations.
Africa’s regional institutions must be founded on shared values and identities, but this requires that member states leave their historical notions of sovereignty behind.
Nearly a decade after the Arab uprisings, tempers in the outlying regions of the Maghreb are on the boil. Scarred by a history of states’ neglect, with poverty rates often more than triple that of urban areas, these frontiers of discontent are being transformed into incubators of instability.
How well do the existing theories about nuclear proliferation predict North Korea’s successful nuclearization?
China and Russia have been cooperating closely over the past three decades. But since the Ukraine crisis, the process has become more dynamic. Moscow and Beijing are now coordinating their policies on a wider range of issues.
The Trump Administration’s protectionist measures against China are guided by politics rather than economics. Instead of tariffs, the United States should address its concerns by upgrading the WTO system and moving forward with the Bilateral Investment Treaty with China.
The U.S.-Saudi relationship is based on mutual expectations that are unlikely to be met. It will endure but it is likely to remain far more fraught and complex and, in the years ahead, increasingly less beneficial for the United States.
With US-Russian relations already confrontational and Sino-US relations becoming visibly more tense, the context for major power interaction on the North Korean nuclear issue has substantially changed from what it was only five years ago.
It would be a mistake to assume that China’s future nuclear power development will continue on the same trajectory as during the last twenty years.