Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
As India commemorates the seventy-fifth anniversary of the country’s independence from the British Raj, one question above all strikes at the heart of democracy’s uncertain future: who belongs in today’s India?
The offices will bring sorely needed coordination, credibility, and resources to tackling major policy issues in the digital age. But creating new bureaus is one thing.
In India, biotechnology has played an important role in helping stakeholders in academia, industry, and government develop new pandemic-related technology, from test kits to respiratory devices. But these biotechnology advancements can go further to strengthen India’s public health capacity.
The battle is not over, however, so the West must continue to help ensure that the Kremlin’s aggression fails and that Ukraine forces a Russian withdrawal or achieves a negotiated outcome on terms acceptable to Ukrainians.
One of the reasons it’s so difficult to understand Russian intentions—and what is at stake in the Ukraine war—is the significant divergence between how external observers see events and how they are viewed from the Kremlin.
This debate, however, sidesteps the more important question about which administration has enacted more effective policies. A review of Biden’s early actions reveals that his administration is competing more effectively with Beijing and succeeding where Trump failed.
What should an enhanced anti-coup strategy entail? The Biden team can start by sharpening its immediate post-coup playbook. But to effectively counter the growing coup trend, Washington needs to look beyond immediate response.
Peace talks involving Armenia and Azerbaijan appear to be proceeding favorably with the mediation of the European Union. In spite of this breakthrough, questions remain regarding the role of Russia and the OSCE Minsk Group, as well as for the Armenians of Nagorny Karabakh.
Russia is the closest military and economic ally of Armenia and also signed a partnership agreement with Azerbaijan two days before the invasion of Ukraine, declaring friendship and promising deeper economic cooperation.
The past years have not been kind to presidents in Latin America. Irrespective of ideological orientation, voters have not only reliably thrown out their leaders after one presidential term. They have also consistently refused to elect the candidates outgoing presidents had chosen as their preferred successors.
Russia's setbacks in Ukraine have limited its capacity to project power in its neighborhood. With the EU as the main mediator between Armenia and Azerbaijan, the two sides should use this chance to seek an elusive peace.
Over the past fifteen years, no regions have been more affected by the rising tide of global protest than the Middle East and North Africa, on the one hand, and Europe and North America, on the other.
Putin has turned everything upside down. He has destroyed all the achievements of recent decades, including his own.
Deploying such weapons would undercut denuclearization efforts and likely exacerbate arms race on Korean Peninsula
The circumstances across the Taiwan Strait are very different, but it is worth considering that no one knows how much liberty the United States can take with its One China policy before Beijing will decide its red line has been crossed. Even Xi may not know himself.
Each of them is connected. Populism, to start with, is not an ideology, but rather a tool. It is the same old idea of divide and conquer. This in turn leads to polarization that increases fractured identities.
There is an important lesson to be learned here: For many countries outside North America and Europe, picking sides in a confrontation between Russia and the West is a losing strategy whose costs significantly outweigh the benefits.
This strategy stands counter to the foreign policy values that President Biden campaigned on. The agreements present an opportunity to confront China, strengthen alliances, fight climate change, correct racial injustice, and restore America’s standing in the world.
Lack of knowledge is not the primary impediment to U.S. foreign policymaking. Lack of will by competing political factions to use knowledge is the bigger problem.
If China feels compelled to augment its nuclear forces to achieve an effective escalation management capability, it will make the bilateral nuclear competition much harder to contain compared to when Beijing was mostly seeking a basic secure second-strike capability.