However President Shavkat Mirziyoyev’s second term develops, there is no point in expecting Uzbekistan to transform into a liberal democracy.
On October 24, Uzbekistan will hold a carefully choreographed presidential election that almost certainly will lead to a resounding win by its President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, a self-proclaimed reformer. Join us for a discussion on Mirziyoyev’s reform agenda and Tashkent’s calculus at home and abroad.
Chinese firms are adapting to an ever-changing business environment as Central Asian leaders and citizens demand more local job creation, value-added industry, and opportunities for skills and advancement.
It was not so long ago that the United States had military bases in the region. But now much depends on whether the advantages would outweigh the inevitable losses that Central Asian countries would sustain as a result of Moscow and Beijing’s displeasure.
After initially successful attempts to contain the the COVID-19 virus, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan are once again experiencing its rapid spread. What went wrong and what are the prospects for addressing the growing social, economic and humanitarian emergencies in the region?
Like the rest of the world, Central Asian states and societies are being stress-tested by the COVID-19 pandemic. Can they withstand the storm?
After taking power in 2016, President Shavkat Mirziyoyev quickly recognized that growing socioeconomic discontent could destabilize his regime, so he launched a preventative program of political and economic reforms.
Almost 30 years after the collapse of the USSR, Central Asian citizens are growing tired of stagnating economies, rampant corruption, and their governments’ empty promises. In 2019, they made it clear they want improved services, more transparency in decision-making, and better opportunities.
The EU will need to increase its visibility in Central Asia if it wants to have influence in a region facing immense challenges from China and India, but also from Afghanistan and threats of terrorism.