
A historic conference has redefined the Palestinian struggle for rights, although its conclusions have yet to make it on the U.S. radar.

Blinken’s Beijing visit will be seen through a security lens, but Washington should separate its alliance from Manila from its calculations around China.
But for now, the United States should not lose site of the essential role that non-proliferation has and continues to have for U.S. interests in Asia and elsewhere. The answers to improved allied security on the Korean Peninsula are unlikely to be found with nuclear weapons.
Crimea should not become an inviolable sanctuary for Russian troops, but Washington helping Ukraine to recapture — or even threaten to recapture — Crimea would be unlikely to lead to productive negotiations and could even spark a nuclear war.
Now, with the armed forces temporarily on the defensive, newly inaugurated President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva has a historic opportunity to reassert civilian control over Brazil’s military.
Stephen Wertheim is a senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and a longtime advocate for ending so-called forever wars.
ut more likely, if the worst of the right-wing extremists’ agenda comes to pass, the Biden administration and Netanyahu will enter a bad patch far worse than the Obama years. And Biden—with no choice but to push back—may well find himself in the middle of a nasty fight that he doesn’t want or need.

The climate and energy policies of the United States and African countries should build on three shared interests—and address three strategic tensions.
Aaron David Miller on The Briefing with Steve Scully.
The aspirational language in the AI roadmap forged by the EU and United States under the Trade and Technology Council is welcome. But crucially, the initiative should align the EU and U.S. positions on the technical dimensions of AI and setting global technological standards.