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The Mumbai attacks demonstrate that terrorism demands a global response. The best way to address militant groups operating outside Pakistani state control is to promote stable democracy and increased state capacity so the government can dismantle the infrastructure of terrorism in under-governed parts of the country – a project in which both India and the international community have a stake.
The 1978 Nuclear Nonproliferation Act (NNPA) sought to tighten the criteria for nuclear cooperation and reshape the nuclear fuel cycle. Many of its provisions have been forgotten, but the NNPA regained notoriety this year with the approval of the U.S.-Indian nuclear cooperation agreement. The objectives of the NNPA are timeless and in no danger of being achieved soon.
The Democrats’ landslide victory over their Republican opponents in house and senate races and Obama’s seizure of the White House represent a harsh indictment of Bush’s presidency, one that has seen the highest disapproval ratings (71 percent) recorded by Gallup. Will the Democrats’ victory in 2008 mark an ideological transformation similar to the one initiated by Reagan’s election in 1980?
Many issues will force themselves onto the new administration’s Middle East agenda. This commentary will only focus on security in the Arabian Gulf in view of Iran’s nuclear program and Obama’s exit strategy from Iraq. For 30 years the Gulf region has been volatile for two reasons: the imbalance of military power, which is the result of strictly political factors, and the U.S. military presence.
Amid the overwhelming popular enthusiasm and unprecedented media coverage in the Arab world that accompanied the 2008 U.S. presidential elections, the Carnegie Middle East Center provided an open forum for distinguished Arab observers to share their thoughts on future American policies in the Middle East.
If the Obama administration wants to serve U.S. interests in the region and transform its image from that of an ally of dictators to that of a friend of the masses, then it has to avoid mimicking previous administrations and dispel one of the most common myths surrounding the Arab and Muslim conflict: that the Israeli–Palestinian conflict is too complicated and impossible to resolve.
What President-elect Obama has to know is that he won overwhelming support not only in the United States but also in the Arab world, where people embraced him with equal enthusiasm. What does President Obama need to do in order not to disappoint Arabs? The answers focused on three issues: Palestine, Iraq, and political reform.
The U.S. election was not merely a local affair as the world awaited its outcome with great intensity. The current U.S. election opened our eyes to the merits of American democracy in particular and those of Western democracy in general.
The most important issue to test how differently Obama will approach foreign policy is Iran and its nuclear program, both of which top U.S. and Middle East priorities. Obama’s willingness to hold direct talks with the Iranians is one reason for the positive perception of him among Arabs.
U.S. policy toward moderate Islamist movements has been inconsistent. The hope for a tangible change often clashes with a complex legacy. This in turn gives the impression that all options have been exhausted, and thus strengthens the choice of avoiding dealing with the Islamist movements. However, U.S. progress in the Middle East hinges on abandoning this uncertainty.
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