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It is up to the European Union, as the often-overlooked mediator of the nuclear talks, to make a push for regional cooperation after a possible deal.
Although political considerations are the main drivers of Iran’s policy toward Syria, economic interests are playing an ever greater role.
Iran today remains a country of enormous but unfulfilled potential. And unless and until Tehran starts to privilege its national interests before revolutionary ideology, both the Iranian people and those in its regional crosshairs will continue to suffer the consequences.
With the collapse of national armies across the Middle East, governments increasingly turn to militias for security. However, a structured national guard may be a more effective long term solution.
The geopolitical chessboard is rarely as neat as strategists like to portray it.
Countering the Iranian threat to the Gulf requires the patient work of domestic reform to complement military measures.
The current crisis in Yemen is a direct result of regional inaction over the last few years, if not decades.
The intensity of Moscow’s current contact with Tehran is unprecedented in Russia’s post-Soviet history. Yet despite the potential for improvement, there are serious obstacles that may hamper or even halt cooperation.
The implications of the Pakistani refusal to help Saudi Arabia in Yemen should not be underestimated.
The Syrian regime looks increasingly brittle. This has major implications for what might follow a nuclear deal with Iran, and indeed for what may follow if a deal is not reached.
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