Despite widespread concern that an Iranian nuclear weapon will lead to an arms race, most nuclear-capable states have chosen not to develop a nuclear arsenal. Turkey is no exception.
General Martin Dempsey, the 18th Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, delivered remarks at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
One topic of discussion at the upcoming five-year treaty Review Conference meeting in Vienna will be how best to universalize the Additional Protocol for safeguards among the 185 non-nuclear-weapon states Party to the Treaty.
The United States and its European allies can make oil sanctions against Iran work by designing the right foundations that will not falter at the early signs of price instability in the oil markets.
In essence, the Iranian regime's approach toward sex, like its philosophy of governance, is marked by expediency and used alternately as a tool of suppression, inducement, and incitement.
Even as the policy debate has intensified over Iran, the struggle of Iranians to advance democracy and human rights under increasingly repressive conditions is too often being overlooked.
Negotiations are unlikely to resolve the problems surrounding Iran’s nuclear program at this time, but they can help deescalate tensions and maintain stability between all concerned parties.
Nuclear negotiations between Iran and the P5+1 group are scheduled for April 13 and 14 in Istanbul. Is it possible for the United States to successfully engage Iran, or are negotiations with Tehran an exercise in futility?
Though the participants in the negotiations about Iran's nuclear program foresee several rounds of discussions, all are acutely aware that time to reach agreement peacefully may be running out.
The goal of coercive diplomacy should be to slow Iran’s nuclear progress and contain its political influence in the region until the regime is eventually transformed or changed through the weight of its internal contradictions and economic malaise.
















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