Thoughtful and respectful leadership, close consultation with affected parties, and a commitment of real resources to assemble necessary leverage present a better chance than anything on offer so far.
A wide-ranging conversation on the relationship the United States has with Russia, the G-20 meeting between Presidents Trump and Putin, trade with China, and more.
If anything were needed to underline how much safer the Iran deal has made the United States, the menace of North Korea’s nuclear development surely qualifies.
The goal of denuclearizing North Korea is not dead, but the United States and its partners must accept that it will take time to realize this goal and that, in the meantime, there are real dangers that must be prevented from unfolding.
While China can do more to crack down on trade with North Korea, the United States should work out the North Korea problem in a way that respects both China and its own national security interests.
North Korea’s acquisition of ICBM capabilities is a game-changer—and not only for the inter-Korean balance of power and Northeast Asia’s strategic stability.
It’s not enough to ask China to pressure Pyongyang to set up a U.S.-North Korea negotiation. China has to be a central part of the negotiation, too.
India and South Korea have had different development trajectories and contrasting attitudes toward military alliances, yet both countries have similar regional environments and a growing potential to be stronger players in the international community.
Authoritative and non-authoritative Chinese commentaries on the Trump administration’s foreign policy have tended to avoid making hostile remarks in response to some notable U.S. provocations.
Should Trump be ready to offer Kim Jong-un US security guarantees for his regime in exchange for limiting North Korea’s missile program so that the US West Coast remains safe from North Korean projectiles, Russia could also offer to host a six-party summit in Vladivostok so close to the two Koreas, as well as China and Japan.