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It is useful to consider what processes are implicated in the ongoing reconstruction experiences of Iraq and Lebanon and what, in turn, these experiences can reveal about the Syrian case moving forward.
Alongside the impact of the civil war taking place in Syria, the mass displacement of Syrians since 2011 is widely acknowledged as the most severe and pressing humanitarian catastrophe today.
In recent months, there has been a flurry of diplomatic movement in the Syrian conflict, as Russia and Iran, the two main allies of Bashar al-Assad, are trying to seize the initiative and pave the way for a new political deal.
On Christmas Day, the largest Sunni Islamist rebel groups in Syria’s Aleppo Governorate announced that they have united under a joint command. Whatever strategic choices they make, Syria’s bitterly divided rebels will need all the unity they can get to deal with the challenges ahead.
A military confrontation is building up between two powerful jihadist factions, the Islamic State and the Nusra Front, in southern and southwestern Syria and as the balance shifts, the Islamic State stands poised to grow in new regions.
The resettlement of Syrian refugees is a task best carried out on the basis of need and ability, not by sectarian or ethnic preference.
The inability of the Lebanese state to figure out where Arsal stands has made public and state perceptions increasingly hostile toward the town.
As the wealthiest members of the international community fail to address the Syrian refugee issue, the number of Syrians in need of resettlement will only keep growing.
With its 2014 leadership election, the Islamist group signaled that it is opening a new chapter. But some young members wanted to see even greater change.
The Assad regime has repeatedly shown its confidence over the improvement of its strategic situation, but its refusal to engage politically with its own constituencies threatens it.
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