If local ceasefires are implemented while the coalition continues to attack the Islamic State and Jabhat al-Nusra without also empowering the Free Syrian Army, the latter will be the clear loser in the ensuing scenario.
Ahrar al-Sham has long been seen as one of the “swing voters” of the Syrian insurgency, and it may turn out to be pivotal in the current struggle for northwestern Syria.
As the war in Syria shows no sign of abating, localized efforts to reach truces and ceasefire agreements inside the country have become the subject of increasing international attention.
U.S. fighter jets, bombers, and drones have recently struck several targets in the Sarmada region of Idlib Province in northwest Syria, near the Turkish border. The targets of the attack have proven to be both disputed and controversial.
Regardless of whether Kurds can successfully defend Kobani, the PKK stands to gain support for its nationalist claims in Turkey.
U.S.-led air raids have struck Syrian rebels not linked to the Islamic State, expanding the coalitions raids for the second time to other groups fighting in Syria, including Ahrar al-Sham and the Nusra Front.
With the al-Qaeda-linked Nusra Front consolidating its control over key regions in Idlib, the group now appears to be the single strongest faction in northwestern Syria, shifting the power on the ground.
From humble beginnings in the 1980s, Hizbullah’s political clout and public perception have trended upward, thanks to a communications strategy that has adapted to changes in the local and regional environment.
In isolation, Turkey’s actions in Iraq and Syria appear strategically myopic and potentially self-defeating, but they do accept that even an assured victory against ISIS irregulars could end up empowering the same regime Ankara has pledged to remove from power.
If Washington is leading a coalition against the Islamic State, and it is, then the United States must be on the ground as well. There is no other way.












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