Amman is increasingly pursuing a policy of supporting neither the regime nor the opposition in Syria while quietly working to help resolve the conflict. It has few other options.
Russia has two broad strategic objectives in the Syrian conflict: challenging U.S. dominance in world affairs and aiding Assad in the fight against Islamist radicals.
Turkey faces the challenge of recalibrating its policy toward Syria given the Assad regime’s resilience and gradual recovery of international legitimacy.
The Syrian conflict has recently become a major source of concern for Europe, but it could still be overshadowed by an escalation of tensions in Ukraine.
Lebanon struggles with a complex web of problems associated with the Syrian conflict, from an influx of refugees to sharp domestic political divisions.
China is unusually secure in its policy of nonintervention in the Syrian conflict. But will strong rhetoric and vetoes be enough?
Washington’s reluctance to take a leadership role in Syria has played a part in increasing the threat to core U.S. interests.
Gulf states’ reasons for intervention in Syria are complex, and their policies are unpredictable and frequently contradictory.
To ask whether the June 3 Syrian presidential election results will lead to any change within the government betrays a misunderstanding of the situation: what just played out in Syria was not an election—it was a demonstration of power in which the presidency was the active subject, rather than the people.
On June 3, the Syrian people cast their votes for a new president amidst an ongoing civil war. How will the election results impact the prospects for a political solution?












Stay connected to the Global Think Tank with Carnegie's smartphone app for Android and iOS devices