Proposed amendments to Jordan’s anti-terror law threaten free expression and may exacerbate the very problem they are hoping to address.
The outcome of their engagement in Syria will define the future vision and goals of the rising generation of Jordanian Salafi-jihadis.
The Zamzam Initiative, which presents itself as an alternative to the Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood, is unlikely to convince Jordanians that it provides anything new.
Economic and demographic strains from the Syrian refugee crisis are impacting Jordan’s own domestic balance of power.
As Jordan strives to build a university system in line with its ambitious economic goals, tribal violence on campus remains a stumbling block.
Emerging segments of the Jordanian opposition are becoming more vocal and boldly demanding change.
As the standoff over Jordan’s new electoral law continues, what is at stake?
Donors should reevaluate how best to encourage entrepreneurship in the Middle East and North Africa.
Tunisia’s 217-member Constituent Assembly must now write a constitution. What are the next stages of institutional reform?
The trial of 150 Jordanians for terrorism, the largest of its kind in the country’s recent history, shows exactly what is wrong with Jordan’s State Security Court.
Prime Minister Bakhit’s mixed record on political reform raises questions about whether his cabinet will implement changes that insulate Jordan from the pressure of mass protests.
In boycotting the November parliamentary elections, the Muslim Brotherhood hopes to avoid becoming politically marginalized and instead to use their outsider status to push an alternative agenda.
Jordan's controversial electoral reforms stand to benefit Islamists and encourage tribalism.
Will Jordan's proposed electoral reform gain wide public support or will it prove too threatening to the familial and tribal foundation of the Hashemite monarchy?
King Abdullah's November 2009 dissolution of the parliament was welcomed by the opposition, particularly Islamists, because it affords an opportunity to address the country's electoral law and representation of citizens of Palestinian origin.
The al-Ikha bloc in Jordan's parliament is attracting attention as a source of new blood in the country's anemic political life.
The ascendance of a hardliner to leadership of Jordan’s Muslim Brotherhood was expected to lead to greater tensions with the government, but that is not how things are working out.
The June 17, 2003 Jordanian elections for the House of Deputies (parliament's lower house) were so out of touch with regional events that they might well have been held on a different planet, according to Al Dustour columnist Urayb Al Rantawi.
In a March 15th interview, ABC's Peter Jennings asked King Abdullah II if Jordan would ever become a constitutional monarchy. “Absolutely,” the king said. When Abdullah came to power in 1999, there was widespread speculation that this young, charismatic Sandhurst and Georgetown-educated leader—and other young monarchs in the region—would be willing to embark on reforms and gradually share power.
On October 22, Jordan's “reform czar” Marwan Muasher announced that the National Agenda, billed as a comprehensive road map to reform, would not be released until after Ramadan due to “printing and proofreading” problems.