But one significant piece of unfinished business remains, and that is Ukraine. For the man who dubbed the breakup of the Soviet Union the greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the 20th century, the ultimate prize would be bringing Ukraine and its capital Kyiv, which the official historiography portrays as the medieval cradle of Russia’s greatness and statehood, back into the fold.
Not long ago, a popular Russian joke went: “Those who do not want to listen to Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov will have to deal with Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu.” Now it is official.
For U.S. planners, the projected expansion of China’s arsenal is yet another sign of deepening and destabilizing military-technological competition with the United States. Nevertheless, neither the Chinese military or the Pentagon report say much about the goals of China’s nuclear strategy and whether the goals of that strategy are expanding to include nuclear first-use.
The United States is not likely to regain its earlier hegemonic status, nor should it aspire to. What it can hope for is to sustain, with like-minded countries, a world order friendly to democratic values. Whether it can do this will depend on recovering a sense of national identity and purpose at home.
To mark the first anniversary of the Second Karabakh War, a group of experts from the Centre for Analysis of Strategies and Technologies published the book Storm Over the Caucasus. Dmitri Trenin, director of the Carnegie Moscow Center, wrote the book’s afterword.
Most European leaders are disillusioned with Russia. But continuing divisions inside the EU over how to deal with the Kremlin prevent a coherent Russia strategy and play into the hands of Putin.
A brief diplomatic crisis in early October demonstrated that U.S.-Turkish relations remain tense. However, Turkish reliance on Western military technology and its dedication to NATO mean it is too early to talk of decoupling.
Join Aaron David Miller as he sits down with Carnegie’s new nonresident scholar Francis Fukuyama to discuss the state and fate of America and the world.
Biden’s foreign policy doctrine remains elusive. But one framework that was recently proposed—globalism—is strategically wanting and politically risky.
The United States bears a great deal of the responsibility for the situation in Afghanistan, but the EU should also reflect on how its overly narrow conception of democracy contributed to the shortcomings of Afghan reconstruction efforts.