How to get India back on track
A playbook for how Indian policymakers can return the country to a path of high and sustained economic growth.
The success of the Urumqi meeting between the representatives of the Afghan government and the Taliban, also attended by Chinese and Pakistanis, is doubtful. The role of Pakistan in the organization of the meeting is the most controversial issue.
Iran today remains a country of enormous but unfulfilled potential. And unless and until Tehran starts to privilege its national interests before revolutionary ideology, both the Iranian people and those in its regional crosshairs will continue to suffer the consequences.
Europe’s Schengen zone, which allows Europeans to travel freely across the continent, is turning thirty. Faced with a major migration crisis, can the system survive?
The stability of the Indo-Pacific will depend in large part on the dynamics that shape relations among four states: China, India, Japan, and the United States.
The tone of disinterest in Asian defense diplomacy, set by former Indian Defense Minister A.K. Antony during the UPA years, appears to continue under the Narendra Modi government.
A new French initiative at the United Nations aims to break the deadlock and accelerate progress toward a lasting solution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
Is India getting back on track?
Non-government organizations have become “undesirable” in Russia, along with Russian experts and specialists. In fact, they are not undesirable for Russia, which actually needs them very badly, but undesirable for the current regime.
Presidency of the BRICS will allow Moscow to position itself as a participant of an association that offers an alternative to the global world order, and the grouping’s summit in Ufa will give the Russian government an opportunity to present the country as a leader of the non-Western world.
Modi’s government still has time to live up to the moment and its unique mandate, but this requires resolving five central tensions.
With the collapse of national armies across the Middle East, governments increasingly turn to militias for security. However, a structured national guard may be a more effective long term solution.
Modi’s diplomatic activism in India’s neighboring countries has generated praise, but a closer examination of his foreign policy reveals a large degree of continuity with his predecessors’ international relations.
Youth unemployment in the Middle East is among the highest in the world but it remains an inadequate explanation for radicalization.
Rather than taking action, Modi has been much more inclined to announce new reforms, and he has been surprisingly politically risk averse.
In the past three decades, China has changed from what would be described as a centrally-planned economy to what could be called a state-led capitalist system that is more private-oriented and subject to market forces.
There are many ways to make Pakistani military leaders conclude that the cohesion, security, and progress of their own country will be further jeopardized if they fail to act vigorously to prevent terrorism against India.
A year into Modi’s prime ministership, relations between India and Pakistan are in many ways unchanged, but the role Pakistan plays in India’s broader foreign policy has been evolving and is increasingly complex.
Narendra Modi’s greatest momentum has been in foreign policy. But the external opportunities he has successfully created for India could be undermined by potential domestic failures.
Cheap oil hurts OPEC member states in the short term. But Saudi Arabia has a long-term view, and the kingdom is trying to expand its share of the global oil market.
Is scholarship relevant to the policymaker? Is the academy preparing people to go into the policy world?
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