Obama needs to refocus the discussion on America’s larger Middle East strategy.
Nearly three and a half years after Libyan rebels and a NATO air campaign overthrew Muammar al-Qaddafi, the cohesive political entity known as Libya doesn’t exist. There is no central government, but rather two competing claims on legitimacy and sovereignty.
Egypt may be upon a new and deadlier phase in which the extremists on each side fulfill their prophecies of a fight to the death between good and evil.
If Western officials truly mean to curb the underlying drivers of extremism, corruption is a good—and remarkably overlooked—place to start.
Misrata offers reasons for guarded optimism when it comes to Libya’s future as a unified state.
The developing military-backed regime under Abdel Fattah al-Sisi signals the triumph of the Egyptian bureaucracy.
Without a stable political environment, democracy will not take root in the Middle East and North Africa. But thinking only about security is not a long-term solution either.
Governments around the world are using stealthy strategies to manipulate the media.
As the Arab Spring approaches its fourth anniversary, the Arab world generally is at risk of heading towards a future without politics.
The question is whether Egypt can stabilize the country and attract foreign investment needed to enliven the economy, while repressing all criticism of government policies from inside or outside and abandoning any semblance of the rule of law.
Corruption is a cause—not a result—of global instability.
Big business has been virtually excluded from recent stimulus plans designed to get Egypt’s wheels spinning after years in recession. However, long-term recovery and stabilization are quite dependent on the resumption of activities by large private enterprises, which still control key sectors of the economy.
Many Arab governments are fueling the very extremism they purport to fight and looking for U.S. cover. Washington should play the long game.
The current turmoil in Egypt has cast shadows on the potential for Islamist integration as well as the regime’s ability to achieve political stability.
With a domestic landscape torn apart by competing claims to power and with interference from regional actors serving to entrench divides, restoring stability in Libya and building a unified security structure will be difficult if not impossible without broad-based political reconciliation.
After the EU floundered in its initial response to the Arab Spring, it now has to reconsider some of the fundamental tenets of its strategic approach to the Middle East.
More than three years after the January 25 revolution toppled then Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak, Egypt continues to struggle with an authoritarian media sector and constraints on freedom of expression.
Though it had to operate in a hostile political environment, the Brotherhood ultimately fell because of its own political, ideological, and organizational failures.
Since 2011, Egypt has been facing one of the—if not the—direst sociopolitical crises in its modern history. Will Egypt’s socioeconomic problems overwhelm the next government and doom it to failure?
Egypt is at a perilous juncture in a decades-long journey of change. Washington should focus on supporting the Egyptian people more than whoever is currently in power.
Tunisia has made progress in its journey to democracy, but many obstacles remain. The international community must keep its focus on the country’s unfinished transition.
Pope Tawadros II, the main political voice of the Coptic community, has seemingly allied with President Sisi, but this comes at the expense of defending Coptic rights.
The ISIS cannot be defeated through military strikes only. The Islamic State is just a tip of the radical Islamist iceberg, which is firmly entrenched in the Muslim world.
Sada speaks to Mohammed Hakiki, the executive director of the Karama Human Rights Forum, about how to contain the Islamic State’s appeal.
Tunisia’s new coalition cabinet is hardly a beacon of stability, confronting ideological differences between four different parties.
Youth members are now assuming a more active role in Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood, pushing the group to escalate its call for revolutionary action against President Sisi.
Every week, a selection of leading experts answer a new question from Judy Dempsey on the foreign and security policy challenges shaping Europe’s role in the world.
In the Middle East, producers are facing different effects of the recent drop in oil prices. Four oil experts explore the impact of falling prices on the economies of key regional producers.
Despite his call for a “religious revolution” in Islam, Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi’s gestures fit into a pattern of instrumentalizing religion for political purposes. Religious freedom under Sisi’s presidency may not be worse than it was under Mubarak or Morsi, but it is certainly no better.
After successful elections, Tunisia forges ahead with its political transition, with speculations that the country’s two main political parties—the staunchly secular Nidaa Tounes and the Islamist Ennahda—are moving towards reconciliation.
Ambassador William Burns, president of the Carnegie Endowment, discusses his diplomatic career and the issues currently impacting today’s world.
Day-to-day corruption is not only detrimental to a country’s economy, but can also make people angry and more sympathetic to violent extremism.
The brutal murder of Egyptian Christians in Libya by the Islamic State has brought the ongoing chaos in Libya to the forefront.
The murder of Egyptian Christian hostages by the Islamic State in Libya raises the alarm that the militant group is expanding from its territory in Syria and Iraq.
Building stability and prosperity is going to take a lot more work than military strikes.
The heavy crackdown in Sinai is being questioned after repeated attacks by armed groups in the peninsula.
Corruption acts as a thread tying recent frightening international security crises together.
The Arab world is facing a vacuum of leadership. It is a new era, one that still has unknown repercussions.
Power in the twenty-first century is a less concrete asset than it once was.
While the tribal, sectarian, and ethnic mosaic of the region is one aspect of why democracy has not taken hold in the Arab world, more important is the lack of experience in governing institutions.
Modern jihadist organizations have taken advantage of continued instability to make themselves into territorialized organizations which frequently cross established state borders, such as the Islamic State.
Jihadist organizations like al-Qaeda and the Islamic State use propaganda tools to intimidate, control, and recruit. The mainstream media is forced to evaluate its own ethics and standards in fear of spreading the radicals’ messages.
Six months since the creation of the international coalition against the self-proclaimed Islamic State (IS), the military campaign is entering a new phase following the gruesome murder of a Jordanian pilot and the defeat of IS in Kobane last month.
Four years after efforts to topple authoritarian regimes in North Africa, the road to democratic governance is still incomplete.
New York Times columnist Roger Cohen will discuss his acclaimed new book, a moving memoir of his family’s long struggle with displacement, exile, anti-semitism, and apartheid, and how these same themes continue to haunt the contemporary Middle East.
The steady decline of global oil prices since June 2014 is shifting economic, political, and strategic calculations of key Middle East actors, and adding a new element of uncertainty at a time of increased regional conflict and polarization.
The recent Senate report about the CIA’s use of torture against suspected terrorists renews important questions about the most effective and ethical means to counter the threat of global jihadism.
From the Middle East to Eastern Europe, crises grip the globe. A growing group of rivals and dangerous non-state actors now pose an array of new threats to the international order.
This all-day conference examined the local and regional roots of the growing violence, fragmentation, and instability gripping the Middle East today.
Nearly three years after the fall of Muammar Gaddafi, Libya is in the throes of a bitter civil war. Its political and security institutions are split along complex fault lines that defy easy categorization.
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