Supporting Arab autocrats may produce some short-term gains, but at the price of long-term disaster.
Egypt is in a different league than its neighbors in the Eastern Mediterranean when it comes to oil and gas exploration.
The shortcomings that characterized Egypt’s economy before the 2011 uprising remain in place. Until they are addressed, renewed political volatility remains possible.
Egypt’s economic crisis deprives the regime of the financial and economic resources needed to sustain a solid social base among public sector employees, and hence hinders the consolidation of authoritarian rule.
Grand projects, though moving quickly, are doing nothing to address the underlying structural problems plaguing Egypt’s economy.
While Tunisia is often and rightly lauded for its progress, social inequality and regional asymmetries are undermining the country’s democratic transition.
The only formal political opposition groups left in Egypt are continuing to play the regime’s game and, predictably, losing.
Markets largely dictate how the relationship between oil companies and host states will play out, with governments attempting to ensure they receive a ‘fair share’ of petroleum revenues.
For years, there has been debate on the extent to which Islam is compatible with the principles of democracy. Recently, the debate has shifted to a more productive question: when do religious actors decide to support a democratic transition process?
The relationship between the Egyptian regime and media is becoming more volatile, revealing new divides within the establishment.