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Delhi no longer has the luxury of viewing South Asia as India’s “backyard.”
Saudi Arabia’s unprecedented assertiveness is not a sign of confidence, but rather reflects deep anxieties about a collapsing regional order.
Modi’s engagements abroad are anchored in the astute recognition that India’s domestic success is inextricably linked to how it can shape its external environment to national advantage.
When historians look back on this period, with some luck, Trump will be forgotten or seen as an oddity or, better yet, a cautionary tale. But the big story will be that in 2008 American voters elected a black man and that in 2016 they elected a woman.
Delhi finds it hard to elicit China’s support on key international priorities of its own, including India’s integration into the global nuclear order.
The fact that it has taken more than a decade for India to begin work on the Chabahar port project reveals the deep-rooted internal constraints on India’s regional economic strategy.
Unless Asia’s strategically consequential states can significantly mitigate, if not resolve, the region’s political and military deficits, Asia’s rise will never be completed. 中文
China’s debt has risen very rapidly over the last decade and many commentators are warning of a coming collapse. However, China is not at immediate risk of a financial crisis.
The growing prominence of nuclear weapons in Pakistan’s national security strategy casts a shadow of nuclear use over any potential military strategy India might consider to strike this balance. However, augmenting its nuclear options with tactical nuclear weapons is unlikely to bolster Indian deterrence in convincing ways.
Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s goal of unchallenged power is firmly rooted after Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoglu’s resignation. The novelty is that it is happening with Germany’s acquiescence.
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