• Research
  • Emissary
  • About
  • Experts
Carnegie Global logoCarnegie lettermark logo
DemocracyIran
  • Donate
{
  "authors": [
    "Douglas H. Paal"
  ],
  "type": "legacyinthemedia",
  "centerAffiliationAll": "dc",
  "centers": [
    "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
    "Carnegie China"
  ],
  "collections": [
    "China’s Foreign Relations",
    "U.S.-China Relations"
  ],
  "englishNewsletterAll": "asia",
  "nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
  "primaryCenter": "Carnegie China",
  "programAffiliation": "AP",
  "programs": [
    "Asia"
  ],
  "projects": [],
  "regions": [
    "North America",
    "United States",
    "East Asia",
    "China",
    "South Korea",
    "Japan"
  ],
  "topics": [
    "Political Reform",
    "Foreign Policy"
  ]
}

Source: Getty

In The Media
Carnegie China

China Must Help the White House Save Trump From Himself

It has repeatedly been shown that the main source of U.S. policy instability is President Trump. Chinese leaders should work prudently and constructively with people around the administration.

Link Copied
By Douglas H. Paal
Published on Aug 29, 2017
Program mobile hero image

Program

Asia

The Asia Program in Washington studies disruptive security, governance, and technological risks that threaten peace, growth, and opportunity in the Asia-Pacific region, including a focus on China, Japan, and the Korean peninsula.

Learn More

Source: South China Morning Post

Despite the rhetoric of Donald Trump’s election campaign, including calling the US trade deficit with China equivalent to “rape,” the Chinese may feel relations with the US are going surprisingly well, now that Trump is president. There was the “successful” Mar-a-Lago summit in April; and Trump himself is set for a state visit in November.

If Beijing was worried that Trump might take up Barack Obama’s “rebalance to Asia” in earnest, there is plenty of evidence that the US remains as mired in the Middle East as ever. Trump has just reversed his criticism of the war in Afghanistan and is doubling down. He’s laying plans to improve deteriorated relations with Manila, Kuala Lumpur and Bangkok – to offset growing Chinese influence – but two key guided missile destroyers are out of action in the Pacific fleet due to accidents, making the US look weaker.

Trump abandoned the one strategically sensible region-wide mechanism for competing economically with China, the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), leaving Beijing to organise regional trade according to its preferences. His withdrawal from the Paris climate accord then ceded moral authority to China.

Trump returned to the “one-China policy” after a phone call with Taiwan’s president, Tsai Ing-wen, left his stand in doubt, but later conflated actions on trade, Taiwan, North Korea and the South China Sea, in reaction to Beijing’s perceived weakness on pressurising Pyongyang. Normally, each of these issue sets is handled on its own terms and not together, to keep them from becoming unmanageable. China’s reaction was accordingly muted.

The White House backed away from national-security-based sanctions on iron and steel, possibly because they were intended to be aimed at China’s industries but may have hit other trading partners harder. But Trump issued an executive order Section 301 investigation of China’s intellectual property rights violations under the 1974 Trade Act, including forced sharing of proprietary secrets to participate in Chinese markets. Trade representative Robert Lighthizer has started the process, and concern about the issue is shared broadly, not just by Trump’s political base. Action is probably a year away.

So, for China, what’s not to like about Trump’s time in office? He is all bark, no bite. To top it off, the leading exponent of an economic war with China (and conflict with the “deep state” of traditional establishment or “globalist” interests), White House chief strategist Stephen Bannon, was dismissed. He left noisily, but with no doubt that he would have worked tirelessly to undermine America’s relations with China. Only, now he will do it from outside, not inside.

China’s deft personal diplomacy through Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner and others, its calm reaction to barks from Washington, and focus on programmatic expansion of influence with neighbours have stood it in good stead. But Beijing should not rest easy. The “globalists” of the deep state have not yet subdued the greatest source of policy instability – Trump himself.

Trump has repeatedly shown that he hates being scripted, or reading from teleprompters, and is most himself when he reverts to unscripted campaign rhetoric before his support base. And there to egg him on will be an untrammelled Steve Bannon. Bannon’s acolytes, Sebastian Gorka and Stephen Miller, remain close to Trump, even as Gorka exits the White House.

Trump may yet conclude that his political fortunes lie with returning to campaign promises and away from establishmentarian advisors who are ascendant at the moment and restraining him. This could be triggered or reinforced by the investigation of Trump’s campaign activities by Special Counsel Robert Mueller, or other failures to get his legislative agenda into law.

President Xi Jinping and China would be well advised to work constructively with the reasonable people around the Trump administration to reinforce their ability to cocoon Trump from himself.

The hardline trade trio of Lighthizer, Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross and erstwhile trade advisor Peter Navarro are all still in place and planning to reverse America’s deficits. Their target remains China.

This article was originally published in the South China Morning Post.

About the Author

Douglas H. Paal

Distinguished Fellow, Asia Program

Paal previously served as vice chairman of JPMorgan Chase International and as unofficial U.S. representative to Taiwan as director of the American Institute in Taiwan.

    Recent Work

  • Paper
    America’s Future in a Dynamic Asia

      Douglas H. Paal

  • Q&A
    U.S.-China Relations at the Forty-Year Mark
      • +1

      Douglas H. Paal, Tong Zhao, Chen Qi, …

Douglas H. Paal
Distinguished Fellow, Asia Program
Douglas H. Paal
Political ReformForeign PolicyNorth AmericaUnited StatesEast AsiaChinaSouth KoreaJapan

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

  • Photo of Donald Trump and Felix Tshisekedi shaking hands in front of a blue banner.
    Article
    Will the U.S.-DRC Strategic Partnership Agreement Endanger U.S. Interests in the DRC?

    President Tshisekedi is implicating Washington in his pursuit of a third term. Staying silent may prove detrimental to the United States in the long run.

      Christian-Géraud Neema

  • Apartment building under construction
    Commentary
    Affordability Is the Top Issue on California’s November Ballot

    Direct democracy is the political wildcard in the state’s midterm election.

      Mark Baldassare, Ian Klaus

  • Commentary
    Strategic Europe
    Taking the Pulse: Are the EU’s Watered-Down Russia Sanctions Better than None?

    The EU had to compromise to adopt a twenty-first sanctions package against Russia, exposing growing cracks in the union’s resolve. Is this latest, weaker round worth it to keep pressure on Moscow?

      • Rym Momtaz

      Rym Momtaz, ed.

  • This photo obtained by AFP from the Iranian news agency Tasnim shows an Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) boat allegedly taking part in an operation to seize ships attempting to cross the Strait of Hormuz, on April 21, 2026.
    Paper
    The Hormuz Conflict and the Limits of Renminbi Internationalization

    Potential Strait of Hormuz transit “fees” and Iran’s renminbi use are bringing attention to Beijing’s push to become a “financial power,” particularly in energy markets. Underdeveloped aspects of China’s financial system and its dollar dependencies still constrain the renminbi’s geoeconomic significance, but recent events may spur policy shifts aimed at changing these dynamics.

      Robert Greene

  • Commentary
    Carnegie Politika
    Russia Is Approaching a Political Crossroads

    Two divergent trends—Putin’s hardline vision of how to prosecute the war in Ukraine, and a growing desire for change in Russia—could tear the regime apart. 

      Tatiana Stanovaya

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Carnegie global logo, stacked
1779 Massachusetts Avenue NWWashington, DC, 20036-2103Phone: 202 483 7600
  • Research
  • Emissary
  • About
  • Experts
  • Donate
  • Programs
  • Events
  • Blogs
  • Podcasts
  • Contact
  • Annual Reports
  • Careers
  • Privacy
  • For Media
  • Government Resources
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.