Dmitri Trenin
{
"authors": [
"Dmitri Trenin"
],
"type": "legacyinthemedia",
"centerAffiliationAll": "",
"centers": [
"Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
"Carnegie China",
"Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center"
],
"collections": [],
"englishNewsletterAll": "",
"nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
"primaryCenter": "Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center",
"programAffiliation": "",
"programs": [],
"projects": [],
"regions": [
"North America",
"United States",
"East Asia",
"China",
"Russia",
"Western Europe"
],
"topics": [
"Economy",
"Trade",
"Climate Change",
"Foreign Policy"
]
}Source: Getty
Russia’s Growing China Connection
Rather than “replacing” Europe with China in its foreign policy universe, Russia would be wise to develop its relations with Beijing closer to the level of the very thick ties which link it to its Western neighbors.
Source: China Daily
China's premier Li Keqiang is traveling to Russia for a regular meeting of the two countries' heads of government. Since the visit was first announced in April, Russia's geopolitical and geo-economic situation has changed profoundly, making its relationship with Beijing even more important. While the presidents of the two countries deal with broader strategic issues, it has been up to Li and the Russian Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev to fill the relationship with substantive economic content.
In response to the Western sanctions imposed on Russia as a result of the Ukraine crisis, quite a few commentators have raised the idea of Russia pivoting away from Europe and the West toward Asia, particularly China. The spectacular gas deal signed during Russian President Vladimir Putin's trip to Shanghai in May 2014 was compared in its geopolitical significance with the Soviet-West Germany 1970 "gas for pipes" agreement which introduced Russian gas to Western Europe.
The short-lived refusal by Visa and MasterCard to service credit cards issued by a couple of sanctioned Russian banks has led the Russian government to decide on creating a national electronic payments system, similar to China's Union Pay. The near-impossibility for Russian companies to raise money in the West has evoked hopes that Hong Kong can replace London as the main financial center serving Russian needs. Present-day China is viewed in Moscow as a potential source of investment and even some advanced technologies.China is a major economy refusing to follow the US' lead and impose sanctions against Russia. China is a market for Russian energy exports. Chinese investments in Russia can certainly grow from the current very low level, and China can provide Russia with some oil drilling equipment and infrastructure development, such as highways and high-speed rail connections. The two governments have agreed to raise the two-way trade volume from about $90 billion last year to $100 billion in 2015 and $200 billion by 2020. There are truly excellent prospects for Sino-Russian economic cooperation.
Yet, none of that will be easy, or happen automatically. The Chinese economy is slowing, which has also brought down the price of oil, a factor of central importance to Russia. Major Chinese banks, with their close links to the US financial market, are not willing to lend to those Russians who find themselves under Western sanctions. In any event, borrowing costs in China are significantly higher than in Europe. To implement the ambitious agenda for expanding economic ties, Chinese and Russian business leaders need to get to know the partner country so much better.
Russians need to do a thorough research of the opportunities that exist in the Chinese market. They need to better understand the Chinese culture, and not only that of business operations. They need to raise a cohort of modern China experts, well-versed in the language and the ways of the land. This will probably require many years of a sustained and purposeful effort, which will not pay off immediately. High-level meetings are vital to create momentum and sustain it, but the going itself will have to be the work of the two peoples.
The China connection will not turn Russia into an Asian country. It will remain what it has always been: an Eastern European civilization, spanning northern Eurasia from the Baltic to the Pacific. The present crisis in Russia's relations with the West will eventually be resolved, and a new equilibrium in relations will be created, depending on the outcome of the current rivalry. In any event, Russia will doubtless maintain close economic, but also cultural ties with the European Union. Even though China, since 2009, has been Russia's leading trading partner, the combined trade between Russia and the EU is several times bigger than the Sino-Russian exchanges.
Rather than "replacing" Europe with China in its foreign policy universe, Russia would be wise to develop its relations with China closer to the level of the very thick ties which link it to its European neighbors. If the Western sanctions help Russians to take a closer look at China, and to see opportunities in the east, it will be one good thing that they will have accomplished.
About the Author
Former Director, Carnegie Moscow Center
Trenin was director of the Carnegie Moscow Center from 2008 to early 2022.
- Mapping Russia’s New Approach to the Post-Soviet SpaceCommentary
- What a Week of Talks Between Russia and the West RevealedCommentary
Dmitri Trenin
Recent Work
Carnegie India does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.
More Work from Carnegie India
- India–Africa Strategic Partnership: Challenges, Potential, and Possible PathwaysArticle
A partnership between India, a country of subcontinental size, and Africa, a continent of fifty-four countries, may seem asymmetric until one notes that both are home to nearly the same number of people—1.4 billion. This essay spells out the existing challenges to the partnership, its optimal potential, and the possible pathways to realize it over the next quarter-century.
Rajiv Bhatia
- The Unresolved Challenges in U.S.–India Semiconductor CooperationCommentary
The U.S.–India semiconductor cooperation story is well-stocked with top-level strategic intent. What remains unresolved, however, are some underlying challenges that will determine whether the cooperation actually functions. Three such friction points stand out.
Shruti Mittal
- Emerging From the “Zombie State” of Trade Agreements: The India-EU FTACommentary
The India–EU Free Trade Agreement (FTA) is shaping up to be one of the most consequential trade negotiations, both economically and strategically. But, what’s in the agreement, what’s missing, and what will determine its success in the years ahead
Vrinda Sahai, Nicolas Köhler-Suzuki
- India’s Press Note 3 Gamble: Opening the FDI Door to ChinaArticle
On March 10, 2026, India’s Union Cabinet approved amendments to Press Note 3, a regulation that mandated government approval on all foreign direct investment (FDI) from countries sharing a land border with India. This amendment raises questions primarily about whether its stated benefits will materialize and if the risks have been adequately weighed. This piece will address the same.
Konark Bhandari
- India and a Changing Global Order: Foreign Policy in the Trump 2.0 EraResearch
Trump 2.0 has unsettled India’s external environment—but has not overturned its foreign policy strategy, which continues to rely on diversification, hedging, and calibrated partnerships across a fractured order.
- +6
Milan Vaishnav, ed., Sameer Lalwani, Tanvi Madan, …