Though often portrayed as lacking agency, women in South Asia, in considerable numbers, participate actively in the insurgencies that plague the region. They take up arms alongside men or facilitate recruitment and operations. Ayesha Ray’s 2026 book Female Militants in South Asia: Fighters and Facilitators explores women’s involvement in violent revolutionary and Islamist movements across South Asia. The book examines the motivations behind their participation and the roles they assume. It traces their involvement as revolutionary fighters and Islamic militants in India, Maoist commanders in Nepal, guerrilla combatants within Sri Lanka’s Tamil Tigers, Islamic militants in Bangladesh, and as seekers of martyrdom and liberation in Pakistan.

Carnegie India hosted Ayesha Ray for a discussion on women’s participation in South Asia’s militant movements. The discussion was moderated by Srinath Raghavan.

DISCUSSION HIGHLIGHTS

Ideological Drivers of Women’s Participation in Militant Movements: Based on militant movements across India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Nepal, and Bangladesh, participants highlighted the role of ideology as the main driver of women’s participation. This includes ideological loyalties and affinity towards the principles of movements that promise emancipation or martyrdom. For example, in left-wing guerrilla groups such as the Communist Party of India (CPI) (Maoist) and Nepal’s People’s Liberation Army, women are attracted to Maoist ideology. It gives them a platform to campaign against forced marriage, domestic violence, and police brutality. Participants noted, however, that this ideological pull is not uniform across movements, as its appeal varies considerably depending on the nature of the organization. For example, in Islamist organizations such as the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan, Islamic State Khorasan, and Lashkar-e-Taiba, although women are mobilized through ideas of liberation and martyrdom, these are coupled with the glorification of sacrifice and by appealing to communal religious identity. Participants also noted that grievances against the state or state oppression, and poverty and unemployment may be proximate causes to explain why women choose militancy. Although they underscored that across both far left and Islamist movements, ideology remains not only the most important recruitment tool but the sustaining force that keeps women attached to these groups over time.

Women as Fighters and Facilitators in Militant Movements: Participants discussed the organizational distinction of women in militant groups, between fighters—women engaged in active combat—and facilitators—women involved in recruitment, propaganda, funding, and support through familial networks. It was noted that this distinction in women’s roles largely depends on the type of militant group they join. Women militants in left-wing guerrilla groups have a greater chance of leading battalions as commanders, whereas those in more religious-based militant groups are involved in supportive roles. For example, female Maoists constitute around 60 percent of CPI (Maoist) cadres in India, occupying both operational and tactical positions. In Nepal’s insurgency, too, all-women guerrilla units were common by 2004, with Kamala Naharika becoming the only woman to command a brigade. On the other hand, women in Bangladesh’s militant groups have more facilitating roles in propaganda, recruitment, or in securing funding as opposed to being directly involved in attacking civilians. Pakistan’s female militants are a notable exception as they are considerably more lethal than their counterparts elsewhere, with active involvement in suicide bombings across multiple organizations. Meanwhile, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in Sri Lanka employed the highest number of women in suicide missions. The creation of Black Tigresses, a separate female cadre within the LTTE, reflects a deliberate organizational choice to exploit the psychological impact of female attackers and garner media attention.

Gender Disparities Within Militant Movements: Participants highlighted a recurring tension between the emancipatory promises of militant movements and the patriarchal realities that women encounter within them. Despite joining organizations that promise emancipation, many female militants find themselves subordinated to internal hierarchies, dominated by male commanders. For example, Shobha Mandi, a former Maoist leader in Nepal, documented in her memoir several experiences of sexual assault by fellow Maoist commanders over a period of seven years. Women also often face greater barriers when returning and re-integrating into their communities. For example, Nepalese women faced alienation during the process of disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration as they returned to their communities. This is especially relevant because of Nepal’s Comprehensive Peace Agreement, which sought to integrate former female combatants into the national army and police. However, restrictions on age, education, and training significantly narrowed the pool of eligible women, leaving many without a viable path forward. This example mirrors the experiences of women in the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia – People’s Army, enabling a comparison of the role and treatment of women in armed conflicts beyond South Asia. Concludingly, participants agreed that any serious effort to understand female participation in militancy must account for this gap between the promises militant movements make to women and their lived realities. 

This summary was prepared by Serene Joshua, Young Ambassador with the Security Studies Program at Carnegie India.