- +1
Paul Haenle, Xue Gong, Ngeow Chow Bing, …
{
"authors": [
"Paul Haenle"
],
"type": "legacyinthemedia",
"centerAffiliationAll": "",
"centers": [
"Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
"Carnegie China"
],
"collections": [
"U.S.-China Relations",
"China’s Foreign Relations"
],
"englishNewsletterAll": "",
"nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
"primaryCenter": "Carnegie China",
"programAffiliation": "",
"programs": [],
"projects": [],
"regions": [
"North America",
"United States",
"East Asia",
"South Korea",
"China",
"North Korea"
],
"topics": [
"Security",
"Arms Control",
"Economy",
"Nuclear Policy",
"Foreign Policy"
]
}Source: Getty
U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry Visits China
U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry’s first visit to China will likely see a focus on security on the Korean peninsula, the Trans-Pacific Partnership agreement, and cyber security.
Source: China Radio International
Speaking to China Radio International, Carnegie’s Paul Haenle detailed the strengths and agenda of the new U.S. Secretary of State, John Kerry. Haenle explained that throughout Kerry’s time on the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, he showed a great commitment and interest in China. Now that he is Secretary of State, it is unlikely that the U.S. policy of rebalancing toward to Asia will change. Haenle stressed that this policy is not hostile or hardline and in fact is designed to facilitate cooperation and collaboration between both countries.
Haenle then turned to some of the individual issues likely to be raised during Kerry’s visit. Haenle stated that the United States is taking the threats coming from North Korea more seriously. He said that the “United States should be looking for opportunities, as the policy shifts in China, to find areas where China and the United States, South Korea, and Japan and the other members of the Six Party Talks can work together to bring stability to the region”. Haenle also clarified the nature of the Trans-Pacific Partnership and its origins and indicated that it would be beneficial for all if China would join. Cyber security is another area of tension between China and the United States, he added, but the nascent nature of this threat means there is greater scope for all major powers to work together to contain it.
About the Author
Former Maurice R. Greenberg Director’s Chair, Carnegie China
Paul Haenle held the Maurice R. Greenberg Director’s Chair at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and is a visiting senior research fellow at the East Asian Institute, National University of Singapore. He served as the White House China director on the National Security Council staffs of former presidents George W. Bush and Barack Obama.
- Carnegie China Scholars on the Biden-Xi MeetingCommentary
- Biden and Xi Meet at APECQ&A
Paul Haenle, Chong Ja Ian
Recent Work
Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.
More Work from Carnegie China
- Malaysia’s Year as ASEAN Chair: Managing DisorderCommentary
Malaysia’s chairmanship sought to fend off short-term challenges while laying the groundwork for minimizing ASEAN’s longer-term exposure to external stresses.
Elina Noor
- When It Comes to Superpower Geopolitics, Malaysia Is Staunchly NonpartisanCommentary
For Malaysia, the conjunction that works is “and” not “or” when it comes to the United States and China.
Elina Noor
- ASEAN-China Digital Cooperation: Deeper but Clear-Eyed EngagementCommentary
ASEAN needs to determine how to balance perpetuating the benefits of technology cooperation with China while mitigating the risks of getting caught in the crosshairs of U.S.-China gamesmanship.
Elina Noor
- Neither Comrade nor Ally: Decoding Vietnam’s First Army Drill with ChinaCommentary
In July 2025, Vietnam and China held their first joint army drill, a modest but symbolic move reflecting Hanoi’s strategic hedging amid U.S.–China rivalry.
Nguyễn Khắc Giang
- Today’s Rare Earths Conflict Echoes the 1973 Oil Crisis — But It’s Not the SameCommentary
Regulation, not embargo, allows Beijing to shape how other countries and firms adapt to its terms.
Alvin Camba