• Commentary
  • Research
  • Experts
  • Events
Carnegie China logoCarnegie lettermark logo
{
  "authors": [
    "Balázs Jarábik"
  ],
  "type": "commentary",
  "centerAffiliationAll": "",
  "centers": [
    "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
    "Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center"
  ],
  "collections": [],
  "englishNewsletterAll": "",
  "nonEnglishNewsletterAll": "",
  "primaryCenter": "Carnegie Endowment for International Peace",
  "programAffiliation": "",
  "programs": [],
  "projects": [],
  "regions": [
    "Russia",
    "Eastern Europe",
    "Ukraine",
    "Western Europe"
  ],
  "topics": [
    "Political Reform",
    "Security",
    "Military",
    "Foreign Policy",
    "Civil Society"
  ]
}

Source: Getty

Commentary

Ukraine: The War Must Go On?

As terrible as it sounds, Kyiv’s endless dysfunction is the Kremlin’s most powerful ally in the current crisis.

Link Copied
By Balázs Jarábik
Published on Feb 11, 2015

As terrible as it sounds, Kyiv’s endless dysfunction is the Kremlin’s most powerful ally in the current crisis—a point that is glossed over in Western policy debates on sending lethal aid to Ukraine. 

The hope of Western foreign policy hawks is that the Putin regime will fall before Ukraine has a chance to descend into utter political and economic chaos. But as George Soros pointed out in Munich, Ukraine is already on the verge of collapse. Unless Western policymakers take the country’s internal fragility into account when discussing ways to help Kyiv achieve its goals, the promises of last year’s Maidan revolution may be snuffed out, potentially in a matter of months. 

What I encountered in Kyiv a few days ago was sadly familiar for someone who has spent a significant segment of their life there. The population is mired in depression and fear. Mistrust in Ukraine’s government and top leaders is mounting. While no one misses the disgraced former President Yanukovych or wants to submit to the will of Putin’s Russia, the risk of further domestic political turmoil grows by the day.

The Kyiv is overwhelmed with expectations that the worst is yet to come.
 
Tweet This

On and off the battlefield, the army inherited from Soviet times is a mess of corruption and ineffectiveness. The top officer corps is (still) incompetent and widely blamed for a string of setbacks on the battlefield. The generals are also under political pressure from Kyiv to deliver largely symbolic victories; in this way, the town of Debaltsevo has become a new Donetsk airport. In such a context, the brunt of the real fighting is born by volunteer battalions who are not yet properly integrated into the regular army.

The old ways of doing business—through endemic corruption and state capture by oligarchs and their proxies—are still the rule, not the exception. Almost exactly one year after the mass killings on the Maidan, not a single top figure has been jailed for corruption. Even the shooting of innocent protesters by snipers and riot police in the heart of Kyiv has yet to be properly investigated. Despite a surge in national identity, huge numbers of average Ukrainians are balking at signing up for military service, even in the country’s west where nationalist sentiment runs deep. Most do not see the war in Donbas as theirs. To stem draft dodging, the government has pursued restrictions on foreign and even inter-oblast travel for draft-age men. A law recently passed by the parliament allows field commanders to use arms against deserters in the shoot but not kill fashion.

A key issue is that the ruling elite still seems unable or unwilling to communicate clearly with the citizens in the way they deserve to be treated after the heroic days on the Maidan—that is, with honesty and dignity. Instead, the government flits from one unfulfilled promise to another, whether it comes to reclaiming Donbas, reforming ruined institutions, or moving against corruption. Rather than providing Ukrainians with basic information about its plans to cope with the enormous challenges on the military, economic, and social fronts, the government is retreating into dishing out propaganda. But copying the “information war” waged by Russia is at best a distraction. At worst, it creates a virtual world where blame for the government’s failings can be sloughed off or shifted to the people of Ukraine themselves for being insufficiently “patriotic.”

Ukraine must first set achievable goals and start helping itself.
 
Tweet This

The Kyiv I encountered last week is overwhelmed with expectations that the worst is yet to come. The fear comes not only from the war, but from the effects of an economy in free-fall. The sad local reality is that military aid might give a shot in the arm to the Ukrainian army and prolong the war, but unless the West is willing to consider a war against Russia, it will be another distraction from tackling the country’s urgent socio-economic problems and the existential threat they pose to the survival of the government.

To be fair, it is not all bad. A sense of civic volunteerism grows ever stronger where it is needed. Almost 20,000 citizens of Kyiv have signed up to take part in newly formed street police patrols. The impressive reform team in place in key economic ministries has strong backing from the presidential administration. Building on incremental successes like these to stimulate reforms is the best way for the West to assist effectively. But Ukraine must first set achievable goals and start helping itself instead of using Russian aggression—and now Western inaction—as an excuse for all of its domestic shortcomings.

About the Author

Balázs Jarábik

Political analyst, former Slovak diplomat, and consultant specializing in Eastern Europe

    Recent Work

  • Commentary
    Notes From Kyiv: Is Ukraine Preparing for Elections?

      Balázs Jarábik

  • Commentary
    Belarus at the Border: The Limits of Reengagement

      Balázs Jarábik

Balázs Jarábik

Political analyst, former Slovak diplomat, and consultant specializing in Eastern Europe

Balázs Jarábik
Political ReformSecurityMilitaryForeign PolicyCivil SocietyRussiaEastern EuropeUkraineWestern Europe

Carnegie does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of Carnegie, its staff, or its trustees.

More Work from Carnegie China

  • Commentary
    Malaysia’s Year as ASEAN Chair: Managing Disorder

    Malaysia’s chairmanship sought to fend off short-term challenges while laying the groundwork for minimizing ASEAN’s longer-term exposure to external stresses.

      Elina Noor

  • Commentary
    When It Comes to Superpower Geopolitics, Malaysia Is Staunchly Nonpartisan

    For Malaysia, the conjunction that works is “and” not “or” when it comes to the United States and China.

      Elina Noor

  • Commentary
    Neither Comrade nor Ally: Decoding Vietnam’s First Army Drill with China

    In July 2025, Vietnam and China held their first joint army drill, a modest but symbolic move reflecting Hanoi’s strategic hedging amid U.S.–China rivalry.

      • Nguyen-khac-giang

      Nguyễn Khắc Giang

  • Commentary
    China’s Mediation Offer in the Thailand-Cambodia Border Dispute Sheds Light on Beijing’s Security Role in Southeast Asia

    The Thai-Cambodian conflict highlights the limits to China's peacemaker ambition and the significance of this role on Southeast Asia’s balance of power.

      Pongphisoot (Paul) Busbarat

  • Trump and Xi on a red background
    Commentary
    Emissary
    China Is Determined to Hold Firm Against Trump’s Pressure

    Beijing believes that Washington is overestimating its own leverage and its ability to handle the trade war’s impacts. 

      • Sheena Chestnut Greitens

      Rick Waters, Sheena Chestnut Greitens

Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie China
Carnegie China logo, white
  • Research
  • About
  • Experts
  • Events
  • Contact
  • Careers
  • Privacy
  • For Media
Get more news and analysis from
Carnegie China
© 2026 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. All rights reserved.